:3 



\^ .. -^ ""'^^ V "^■' .V^ O. -^.o'- ,0^ '=^. 










. . s ' A 



■^j. r\^ " o , 






'^ 



^^..^^ 


















^0 -^ 






















<• 



















v\ 



^t. ^ .= ,^*^°- \t 

<^ " » « ' ^-^"^ 



% *^i^-v .0 



^^-^^^ \ 



'^^ '"''\^''' 



^-. \^ '> ' V 






,-7 'J* J 



''''% 















G^ .^ - ^' °o .-^ • 






A 













'"S^^^^/ /"^^ '^^^^ .^^ ^^>^^i^y /^^ ^;^^.^ 






The Kansa or Kaw Indians 
AND Their History, 



AND 



The Story of Padilla. 



By 
GEORGE P. MOREHOUSE. 




STATE PRINTING OFFICE, 
TOPEKA, 1908. 



u-n 



.\\2V\% 




WAH-MOH-O-E-KE. 
the second signer of the last treaty. 



WAH-SHUN-GAH, 
the last chief of the Kansa. 



Gift 



HISTORY OF THE KANSA OR KAW INDIANS. 

Address by George P. Morehouse, ' of Topeka, before the Kansas State Historical Society , 
at its thirty-first annual meeting, December 4, 1906. 

VNYTHING pertaining to the Indian tribe that gave a name to our com- 
monwealth and to the largest river and city within its borders will 
always have a pecuhar interest to all true Kansans and to .those who are 
ever eager to know more about the early history of the "Sunflower " state. 

The majority of the tribes resident in Kansas during the past century 
were immigrants, brought here from Eastern states within the memory of 
those now living— the remnants of nations whose important history took 
place on the other side of the Mississippi river. These immigrant tribes 
never had that strong attachment for their new home they would have pos- 
sessed had they been to the manor born. 

Not so with the Kansa nation. Its earliest recorded accounts represent 
the tribe as owner of most of that imperial pasture now called Kansas. 
Here the Kansa were born, had lived, acted and passed on for many gene- 
rations ; here they had hunted, fished and fought ; here was their home, 
with all the sacred associations of home ; and though an Indian home, what 
an empire to these first native sons of Kansas! Within this wonderful 
prairie domain they had experienced the high fervor of victorious conquest, 
and anon the bitterness of disastrous defeat. Its ample sustaining re- 
sources were on every hand— the secrets of nature, from the wooded 
streams and rich bottom lands of the Missouri border to the vast treeless 
areas of the great plains, all teeming with game of every character, were 
to them revealed as an inspiration and an open book. 

"Look now abroad— another race has filled 
These populous borders. Wide the wood recedes, 
And towns shoot up and fertile realms are tilled— 
The land is full of harvests and green meads." 

The first recorded mention of the Kansa nation is found in the account 
of the explorations of Juan de Ohate, who met them on our plains in 1601, 
in his attempt to reach, as Coronado did in 1541, the land of the Quiviras. 
Onate had first colonized New Mexico and settled many valleys of that 
Spanish province with the 130 families and 400 soldiers accompanying him, 
and the many immigrants that followed. Farms were cultivated, towns 
builded, convents established, and civilization was thus brought to New 
Mexico, where with little change it exists to-day. After gaining the friend- 
ship of the native Indians, Ohate became fired with other ambitions, other 
fields to conquer. Remembering that Coronado had penetrated far to the 
northeast only sixty years before, and had crossed the plains to the noted 
Quivira— what more daring and inviting field could be presented? 

With a picked company of eighty soldiers, a large number of armed In- 
dians, with their bows, arrows and spears, several guides and two friars, 
and a full equipment for either peace or war, this pioneer pageant marched 
eastward and was soon in the heart of the buffalo country. Here, as it has 

Note 1.— Biography in Kansas Historical Collections, vol. 8, p. 137. 

(3) 



4 Kansas State Historical Society. 

been said, "They marched, as Coronado had marched more than a half-cen- 
tury before, over the great plains toward the east, finding the same clear 
atmosphere, the same unvarying prairie, the same grapes and plums, the 
same enormous herds of buffalo, the same wandering tribes of Indians, 
which had no doubt been here from time immemorial." Finally they came 
to hills and bluffs, and passed along creeks, rivers and valleys where grew 
the mulberry, grape and plum; and, having traveled over 200 leagues, they 
were doubtless in the heart of what is now the eastern half of the state of 
Kansas. Here they met the tribe of Indians they called the Escansaques^ 
( Kansa) , a wild and powerful tribe, who were out on their annual raid to 
plunder the cultivated country of the Quivirans. It seems that there was 
great enmity between these tribes at that period, and may it not be that 
this answers the question, "What became of the Quivirans?"— that the 
more peacefully inclined Quivirans were finally crushed between the upper 
and nether millstones— the Escansaques on the east and the Apaches and 
Paducahs on the west. 

Onate found these marauding ancestors of the Kansa bent upon destroy- 
ing the Quivirans, who at that time lived along a valley close to their culti- 
vated fields. According to Professor Brower and others, their home was 
on the Smoky Hill and Kansas rivers, in the neighborhood of the present 
Junction City, though some locate Quivira on the Missouri river, farther 
to the northeast. 

There arose some difficulty between the sons of Spain and their new ac- 
quaintances, and it seems that the Franciscan friars with Onate were deter- 
mined to teach the Escansaques a lesson, not to make further raids upon 
the more docile Quivirans. It was surely heroic treatment, for it is said 
that 1000 Escansaques were slain. This seems incredible, and it must be 
remembered that the old Spanish writers used the term "thousand" in 
rather a careless manner, when describing their conquests. However, this 
friendly act established a strong attachment between the dwellers of Quivira 
and the Spanish, for in a few years an army of 800 Quivirans appeared at 
the gates of old Santa Fe to solicit further aid in fighting their enemies. 
After this first recorded battle with the Kansa, Oiiate continued on and ap- 
proached the city or villages of the Quivirans, situated on the bank of a 
large river, and soon entered into a perpetual treaty of peace and friend- 
ship with them. 

To us the most interesting feature of this early expedition is that it came 
in contact with the Kansa Indians. 

What an awe-inspiring sight this spectacular pageant must have been to 
them, as it moved across their favorite hunting-grounds! What a scene of 
thrilling beauty greeted these adventurers, as they passed over these limit- 
less plains and along the margins of the wooded streams on that memorable 
trip 300 years ago! 

While there is some doubt as to the exact location of Quivira— whether 
it was in the Kaw valley or on the Missouri— in either event it must have 
been in the region of the hunting-grounds and habitat of the Kansa nation, 
when first visited a hundred years later by French explorers. 

Onate says that the Escansaques and the Quivirans were hereditary ene- 

NOTB 2. — "If the ■ Escansaques' or "Excanjaques ' are identical with the Kansa, and there 
is every reason for believing them to be the same, then the first mention of the tribe was made 
in 1599, by Juan de Onate, who encountered them on an expedition to find the 'Quivira' of Coro- 
nado in the region of the great plains." — F. W. Hodge, in Brower's Missouri River, 1897, p. 165. 



History of the Kansa or Kaw Indians. 5 

mies. Professor Dunbar presents convincing proof that the Quivirans were 
the early Pawnees. This would seem to add more evidence to prove the old 
and well-known saying that the Kansa and Pawnees were enemies from 
time immemorial. One of the old traditional questions handed down in the 
Kansa nation to modern times, and a question that was first asked of a re- 
turning hunting or war party, was "Pah-ne-its-es-skah?" "Did you kill a 
Pawnee ? ' ' 

According to their language and traditions,^ many hundreds of years ago 
the five tribes, Kansa, Osage, Omaha, Ponka and Kwapa, were one people, 
and lived along the Wabash and far up the Ohio. There was even a tradi- 
tion that their home at one time was near the shores of "the sea of the 
rising sun," from whence came the mysterious sacred shells of the tribe. 
For some reason they worked westward, probably pressed by the encroach- 
ment of superior forces. Coming to the mouth of the Ohio, there was a 
separation. Those going down the Mississippi took the name Kwapa, or 
down-stream people, while those going up the river were called Omaha, or 
up-stream people. As De Soto found the Kwapa, also known as "Akansa," 
in 1541 as a distinct tribe, this division took place prior to that date, and 
probably prior to the year 1500, The up-stream people, of which the Kansa 
formed a part, reaching the Missouri, followed up that stream. Another 
division then took place, the Omaha and Ponka passing far to the north and 
northwest— the Omaha gathering south of the Missouri near the mouth of 
the Platte, and the Ponka locating toward the Black Hills. 

The Osage and Kansa being left behind, the former passed up the stream 
which took their name, and the Kansa, coming to the junction of the Mis- 
souri and the Kansas rivers, established themselves probably at a permanent 
settlement within the forks, and claimed the Kansas valley as their heritage. 
At least, the stream very early acquired their name. It is supposed that 
subsequently the tribe continued to move up the Missouri, and had reached 
its most northern settlement at the mouth of Independence creek, now Doni- 
phan county, Kansas, prior to 1724, when visited by Bourgmont. In 1757, 
though still residing in part on the Missouri, they had established themselves 
in at least one village upon the Kaw. About the time of the Revolution 
they had entirely abandoned the Missouri. Their life upon the historic Kan- 
sas river extended until 1847, when they were moved to a reservation in the 
Neosho valley near Council Grove. Here they lived until the year 1873, 
when they went to their present home in the Indian Territory (now Okla- 
homa). During their early history the Kansa were a powerful tribe, both in 
numbers and in influence. At present (1907) they number only 193 allotted 
members, of whom but 70 are full-bloods. 

MONCACHTAPE, THE INTERPRETER." 
Moncachtape (one who destroys obstacles and overcomes fatigues) was a 
strange but capable character, and was one of the first to visit and tell any- 
thing about the Kansa Indians to the outside world. 

Moncacht was a Yazoo Indian, with possibly French blood in his veins. 
Some time about 1700, he traversed the continent from ocean to ocean, visiting 

Note 3. -Fifteenth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, page 191. 

Note 4.— Dumont's Memoires surla Louisiane, Paris, 1753. vol. 2, p. 246; Histoire de la Louis- 
iane, Paris, 1758, Le Page du Pratz; Proceedings of Literary and Hist. Soc. of Quebec, 1829; Revue 
d'Anthropologie, 1881; Windsor's Mississippi Basin, pp. 210-213. 



6 Kansas State Historical Society. 

numerous Indian tribes and learning their languages. It seems that he de- 
sired information regarding the origin of his race, and went from tribe to 
tribe in his search. At first, he passed to the east, thinking the cradle of 
the race was toward the rising sun. He traveled until he came to the lower 
lake regions and learned of the falls of Niagara and the wonderful high 
tides of the Bay of Fundy. Afterward he traversed the far West, passing 
along the Ohio and Mississippi to the mouth of the Missouri, which streams 
he minutely described. Following the Missouri river, he came to the Missouri 
Indian nation, and, staying with them all of one winter, learned their lan- 
guage. When spring opened he went further up that stream till he came 
to the great village of the Canzes, near the present site of Doniphan, Atchison 
county, Kansas, and stopped for some time. From these Indians he first 
learned of the great divide, beyond which was a river that flowed toward 
the west, supposed to be the Columbia. Continuing his journey, Moncacht 
passed down that stream to the sea, where he saw a strange ship manned 
by strange people, which had come to those shores for cargoes. After 
wandering for five years, he returned to the Mississippi valley and his home 
near the Gulf of Mexico. He was known as "The Interpreter," from his 
ability to acquire different Indian languages, learning from one tribe some- 
thing of the language of the next one to be visited. 

THE FRENCH AND THE KANSA. 

The French association with the Kansa nation, while not as early and 
spectacular as that of the Spanish, was altogether more peaceful and far- 
reaching. 

It seems that Frenchmen, whether explorers, traders, trappers or mis- 
sionaries, have been more fortunate in their intercourse with the American 
Indian than have the other nations. It would have been much better for the 
general welfare of both races had the entire management of Indian affairs 
from the first been in the hands of Frenchmen. There seems to be some- 
thing in the general composition of the French nature, whether trader or 
priest— some capacity— which always reaches the Indian and secures his 
highest confidence. 

The brightest spots through three centuries of dishonor in our country's 
dealing with the Indian have been the successful and honorable social and 
business relations of the French with these dusky children of the forest and 
plain, and especially the self-sacrificing services in their behalf of the French 
missionaries of the Cross. The French authorities made early attempts to 
spread missions among the Western Indians with whom they came in contact. 

It is supposed that the French first visited the Kansa, in 1705, as Maj. Amos 
Stoddard says that, failing in attempted settlements on the upper Missis- 
sippi, they turned their attention to the Missouri river, which they ascended 
to its mouth by 1705, where they met with a welcome reception from the 
Indians.'' 

As an instance of the great influence the French had over the Indians, 
the following is interesting: Chtoka, alias Wet Stone, a Little Osage, told 
Pike, during his visit to that tribe in 1806, that he was at Braddock's defeat 
in 1755, with all the warriors who could be spared from both villages. It 
seems that the Indians were engaged by Mr. McCartie, who commanded at 
Fort Chartres, and he furnished them with powder and ball. The place of 

Note 5.— Sketches of Louisiana, page 28. 



History of the Kansa or Kaw Indians. 7 

rendezvous was near a lake and a large fall (Niagara). It seems that the 
Kansa Indians were also on the ground with a select band of warriors to 
assist the French, but arrived just at the close of the fight. These Indians 
from beyond the Mississippi had many hardships in returning to their dis- 
tant homes, and were gone seven months, or till the inclemency of the fol- 
lowing winter, and were driven to eat their horses upon the return trip. ^ 

LIEUTENANT PIKE AND THE KANSA. 

FIRST TREATY BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND THIS TRIBE. 

After the Louisiana purchase of 1803, the United States desired to open 
up at once friendly relations with the numerous Indian nations which occu- 
pied that new possession. It was the desire of the government to win and 
hold the favor of these children of the plains to the same degree of influence 
held by the French. 

One of the leading objects of the Pike expedition of 1806 was to meet 
these tribes and bring about peace between certain warring nations. This 
would more fully strengthen the sway of the United States in the interior 
and lessen the danger of Spanish encroachments upon the newly acquired 
and unprotected frontier. 

When Pike visited the Osage villages on his outward trip he found them 
at war with the "jKans," and it was with difl[iculty that he induced some of 
them to go with him to guide the expedition to the Pawnee republic in 
northern Kansas. A number consented, but they took him in a roundabout 
way, fully 100 miles further than necessary, because, as Pike says, of their 
fear of their enemies, the Kans. 

After the command reached the Pawnee village a dozen "Kans" came 
into the camp, and Pike induced two of them to accompany the expedition. 

Pike learned that the Spanish military force, which had visited the Paw- 
nees a few weeks prior to his arrival, had instructions to treat with the 
Kansa nation, as well as other tribes, and was provided with medals, com- 
missions and mules for each one; but it seems that they treated only with 
the Pawnees. It was fortunate that Lieutenant Malgares did not visit the 
Kansa, for notwithstanding their great loyalty to the French, they might 
have been moved by the gifts and overtures of these explorers from the far 
Southwest and forgotten the disastrous meeting with Onate. The Kansa 
were always true to the French, never liking the Spanish, and for the most 
part were loyal to American interests. 

On the 28th day of September, 1806, Pike induced his new-found Kansa 
friends tp go into a treaty council with him and with the Osages of his 
party, and to enter into an agreement of peace and friendship .between the 
tribes and with the United States. Pike says (September 28, 1806): "I 
effected a meeting at this place [ Pawnee republic] between a few Kans 
and Osages, who smoked the pipe of peace and buried the hatchet, agree- 
ably to the wishes of their great father; in consequence of which a Kans 
has marched for the Osage nation, and some of the latter propose to accom- 
pany the former to their village. Whether this good understanding will be 
permanent I will not take on me to determine, but at least a temporary 
good effect has succeeded." 

It may be stated now, after 100 years, that Pike's mediation did succeed. 

Note 6.-Coues' Pike, p. 531. 



8 Kansas State Historical Society, ■ 

for it made friends between these two tribes, which has continued to the 
present. Prior to 1806 the Kansa and Osages had been at war for many 
years— possibly since their separation from each other generations before, 
when they differed and became two distinct nations. 

The next day was Pike's memorable council day with the Pawnees, when 
he required them to pull down the Spanish colors and raise the stars and 
stripes. The Kansa representatives were there and helped along the cere- 
monies, and were highly pleased when the American banner went up. The 
Kansa friends openly professed to be under American protection, which 
doubtless encouraged the Pawnees in their change, and in many other ways 
assisted Pike by advice as to the intentions of the Pawnees. 

During Pike's time, and for many years, the Kansa nation had a high 
reputation for the skill and bravery of its warriors, and it seems remarkable 
that they were able to hold their own, surrounded as they were by so many 
powerful tribes greater in point of number, if not in prowess, when com- 
pared with the smaller Kansa nation. 

Pike bears deserved tribute to their traits of bravery when he says: "In 
war they are yet more courageous than their Osage brethren; being, al- 
though not more than one-third of their number, their most dreaded ene- 
mies, and frequently making the Pawnees tremble." 

I notice that Pike and other writers, in enumerating Indian tribes, where 
mention is made of the Kansa nation, often places it at the head of the list. 
Being rather a small nation as compared with the Sioux and Pawnees, who 
pressed them on the north, and the great plains tribes, continually beating 
them back from the best buffalo-hunting grounds, it is remarkable that they 
held their own for so long a time. The Kansa seldom initiated war just for 
the love of fighting. During the last century of their active tribal life they 
usually fought on the defensive. They were not slow to defend themselves 
when attacked, and on their annual unting trips, when small parties of 
their braves were often assailed by much larger forces, it was frequently 
said that "a handful of the Kansa on the plains, by their skilful defensive 
maneuvres, could put to flight several times their number of enemies." 
Their custom of fearlessly going far out on the plains in small hunting par- 
ties, where they often encountered larger bands of the fiercest plains In- 
dians, often excited surprise and wonder from both white man and Indian. 
Some Indians wantonly killed game to deprive others of its use. This the 
Kansa never did, killing only enough for their own use and a moderate 
amount to sell, when there was a market. 

THE NAME OF THE TRIBE, THE KANSA — ITS SOURCE. 

During the past 300 years, since the name was first written, there have 
been numerous methods of spelling the designation of this tribe— the Kansa. 
To follow the many changes through which the word has passed to its pres- 
ent form would, within itself, be an interesting study. Probably no historic 
name in America has gone through so many changes, with so frequent va- 
riation, on maps and in books. In the ninth volume of the Kansas Histor- 
ical Collections, Professor Hay's article on the name Kansas, prepared in 
1882, gives twenty-four ways of spelling the word. The editors of volume 
9, in a foot-note, add some twenty additional forms, and for several years 
past I have been gathering similar data coupled with the authority for the 
same. At present, 1907, I have all of the forty-four forms above mentioned 



History of the Kansa or Kaiv Indians. 9 

and twice as many beside, or, in all, over 125 ways used in the past to spell 
the name designating this tribe of Indians, the verbal forerunners of the 
word Kansas. At some future time I will prepare an article on this subject, 
giving these names and the authorities using them, but at present will only 
note some of the more important and marked features. 

For the initial, we find C and K and Qu; using a or o for the first vowel, 
and with or without the final s in the singular. The following curious 
double plurals are noticed: ces, cez, ses, sez, and sais. There are several 
adjective forms, like Kanzan, Canzan, Kanzon, Canzon, etc. Among the 
simplest forms of the word are Kan, Kaw, Can, Caw, and then the longer 
forms, Kantha, Kansies, Kancez, Ka-anzou, Kanissi, and many others be- 
ginning with K; then we note the many odd forms beginning with (7, as 
Canceze, Canchez, Canceas, Canceys, Canses, etc. Among the most pecu- 
liar forms are Quans, Kensier, Caugh, while the most complicated are Es- 
cansaques, Excanjaques, Escanxaques and Excansaquex. 

But seeing that I have reached the stage of having to spell Kansas with 
j, q, u, X, and z, I will stop, fearing it might hinder President Roosevelt, 
who is interested in simplified spelling. While he has been trying to decide 
the preferable of two ways of spelling certain words, a Kansan is exploit- 
ing over 125 ways of spelling the name of one of his favorite Western 
states. 

In this article I will refer to the tribe as the "Kansa." Although they 
were often and are still called the Kaw, Kansa is preferable, and has been 
adopted by the Bureau of American Ethnology. It seems to harmonize more 
in sound with a majority of the forms of the word used by the early writers 
in mentioning the nation. 

From whence comes this word Kan^a and what is its signification ? Most 
historians have stated that it was an Indian word of doubtful meting ; 
others have attributed to the word meanings which are clearly erroneous. 
Richardson, in Beyond the Mississippi, 1857, says that it signifies smoky, 
and several historians, like Holloway, have followed this manifest error. 
The Kansa word for smoke and smoky is shu-jeh, and I know of no Indian 
word regarding smoke that resembles in the slightest the word Kansa. 
Dorsey, an authority on Siouan languages, says the word "refers to winds," 
or wind people, but that its exact meaning is not known. ^ 

For several years I have given this question considerable attention, and 
after examining numerous sources of information, believe that I have dis- 
covered the true source of the word Kansa and arrived at its real meaning. 
The trouble has been that the writers regarding this tribe and its name 
have only gone back to the records of the French explorers, traders and 
trappers who visited them, and have tried to translate the word Kansa as if 
if it was either an Indian or a French word. 

While it is true that the French traders used the name Kaw or Kah for 
designating this tribe, they had nothing to do with originating the word 

Note 7. — "So far as can be determined the name of Kansa refers to 'winds,' but the full 
definition is unknown." — F. W. Hodge, in Brower's Missouri River, 1897, p. 165. "The name of 
the Kansas river is doubtless derived from the Kansas Indians who lived on that stream. They 
were often called ' Kaws,' and the river in an early day was called Kaw river. The lowas called 
the Indians Kantha, which means swift. Their own (the Kansas Indians) mode of pronouncing 
that word would be Ka-za, and this they called themselves, but whether they had another name 
I am unable to say. Most Indians speak of themselves by a different name from that by which 
they are known by the surrounding tribes." — Wm. Hamilton, in Transactions of Nebraska State 
Historical Society, vol. 1, p. 73. 



10 Kansas State Historical Society. 

Cansa or Kansa. Kaw or Kah are nicknames or abbreviations of Kawsa, 
Kahsah, Kauzau, Gauzes, and a dozen other forms with similar first syllables. 

An old Osage Indian once said that the name Kaw or Kah-sah was a term 
of ridicule once given by the Osages to the Kansa because they would not 
join the former tribe in a war against the Cherokees, the term meaning 
coward. ^ This explanation of the word is not deserving of serious considera- 
tion, for the time that the Osages and the Kansa had some differences over 
the question of going to war with the Cherokees was long subsequent to the 
time when the Kansa were known to history by this well-known name. In 
the early part of the nineteenth century, when the Cherokees first migrated 
into Arkansas, the Osages disliked them and wished the Kansa to join in a 
general war against the Cherokees. This the Kansa refused, and the Cher- 
kees came into eastern Oklahoma, which deprived the Osages of certain 
territory, and the Osages laid it up against the Kansa nation; but it had 
nothing to do with the giving of the latter name. Even if this term Kah- 
sah was applied to them by Osages, and even if it did mean coward, of 
which there is no evidence, it does not explain the older and more general 
word Kansa, which was used by Marquette in 1673 or over 100 years before 
this alleged trouble between the Osages and Kansa over the Cherokees. 

I find that the dates of the authorities using Kah, Kaw or Kau for first 
syllable, such as Kah-sah, Kaw-sa, Kau sas, etc., are all during the past 
100 years, or since 1804, and that the first instance is found in the Lewis 
and Clark reports of their expedition of that year. 

The names used to designate this tribe for 200 years prior to that date 
have the Kan or Can forms as the first part, which expresses the sound in 
the more ancient forms as well as the form in popular use to-day. This 
form, Cansa or Kansa, same in sound, was first used by the Spanish, to 
which I will refer later on, then by Father Marquette, and finally by French 
explorers and writers for 125 years after his time. This would seem to 
establish beyond any doubt, even from French sources, that this form of 
the name was by far the older, and their original and proper appellation, that 
by which they were first designated by the whites. The Kah-sah, Kaw-sa 
and Kau-zau types are corruptions of the far older and expressive name 
Kan-sa. In pronouncing Kan-sa, the hasty French would fail to nasalize the 
n, which would disappear, and the first syllable of the word, with a broad a, 
would become Kah or Kaw, and thus Kan-sa would become Kah-sa or Kaw sa, 
Afterward, by abbreviation, these names became Kaw, the nickname of the 
French trader. 

Kausus was used by Lewis and Clark, 1804; Kauzau by McCoy, 1840; 
Kaw is found in Gregg's Commerce of the Prairies, 1850, as used while the 
tribe lived at Council Grove, 1847-1873, and by plainsmen during the border 
days, and is still in common use in Kansas, and at the present home of the 
tribe in Oklahoma. 

It may be wise to preserve this French-Canadian name Kaw, in referring 
to the Kansas river; but it is a nickname, a misnomer, means nothing, has 
no good foundation, and it should not be applied to the tribe, for it was not 
its name. Instead, the form Kansa should be used, it being the ancient and 
expressive word, the name of our state, and is supported by the weight of 
scores of authorities during the past 300 years. 

Note 8.— Dickerson's Osage Nation, p. 2. 



History of the Kansa or Raw Indians. n 

This famous historic word Cansa or Kansa is neither of Indian nor French 
origin, and it is useless to look to those languages for some strained and 
vague signification. The word is plain Spanish, and as such has a well- 
defined and expressive meaning when applied to an Indian tribe, and espe- 
cially when used to designate that Indian tribe from which our state takes 
its noted name. 

Cansa or Kansa means "a troublesome people, those who continually dis- 
turb and harass others." It comes from the Spanish verb cansar which 
means "to molest, to stir up, to harass," and from the Spanish noun can- 
sado, "a troublesome fellow, a disturber." 

So when the Spanish explorer Onate, on his trip of 1601, met this tribe 
and learned that they annually pillaged and made war upon the Quivirans 
and were always ready for a fight, he called them Escansaques, "the disturb- 
ers, the troublesome." From this it is easy to see how the name "wind 
people" might have been used in referring to the tribe, and suggested as it 
has to some, that the meaning of the word was, "those who come like the 
winds sweeping across the prairies," the wind being a disturbing element 
of old plains days. 

In the body of the name Escansaques we have the exact form used by 
many early writers. The sound of the letter c being hard like k, it is easy 
to see how early historians used either as the first letter of the name 
Many early French writers follow closely the Spanish name Cansa. In my 
list of over 125 ways of spelling there are about thirty authorities with the 
letter c and having Can for the first syllable; e. g., Cansa, Canse, Canceys 
Canceze, Canzas, Canceas, etc. ' 

Some have thought that the Escansaques were the Utes, but the greater 
weight of evidence, as I have shown, seems to establish the fact that they 
were none other than the Kansa- now so considered by the United States 
authorities and the Bureau of American Ethnology at Washington. 

The 200 leagues or more, 500 or 600 miles, traveled by the Spanish before 
they met the tribe they name "Escansaques." brought them to the lower 
Kansas river, or to the Missouri river, in the neighborhood where the French 
explorer found the Kansa in 1724. 

In all the many ways the word has been written, with Can, Kan, Kon or 
Quans as part of the name, the sound attempted to be conveyed is the same. 
Is it strange that the Spanish name Cansaques, the Es being a mere prefix, 
should turn to Quans, Cans. Canzan, Canses, Canceas, Canze, Canceys' 
Kansa, Kances, Kanse, Kanses, Konsa, Konzo, as used by different French 
explorers and writers in speaking of the nation? The Spanish really gave 
the name Kansa to the world when they called this tribe the Escawsaques- 
for Cansa or Kansa would be the same in sound. They first met the tribe, 
and the French who followed them applied the same name used by the 
Spanish in designating this people. It was probably first written "Kansa " 
by Marquette, on his famous autograph map of the Mississippi, about 1673; 
but many succeeding French explorers and writers clung to the Spanish 
custom of using "Can " as the first part of the name. 

Yes, the Spanish called this Indian nation Escansaques, an expressive 
term, which speaks volumes regarding the character of the tribe in those 
early days. Those aboriginal inhabitants of our state were called "those 
who harass," "those who stir up," "disturbers"; and it seems that the 
latter-day Kansans-those who now occupy the former homes of the de- 



12 Kansas State Historical Society. 

parted red brothers— are keeping up the record by continually working at 
the same old game. Possibly they have absorbed from the atmosphere or 
from the soil some of the elements which give them the same characteris- 
tics of the nation of aboriginees which, during the dawn of Kansas history, 
was so noted for getting into the lime-light as disturbers and agitators. 
Kansas will be Kansas no more when she lapses into a stupid pace and 
ceases to stir public sentiment along lines of activity. Let Kansans ever 
remember the source and signification of that name, a name which has not 
only been used as a slogan of unrest and agitation for 300 years, but also 
has been and now is the stirring war-cry of advancement along many lines 
which make our state and nation both interesting and great. 

KANSA VILLAGES ON THE MISSOURI RIVER. 

"KANSES" — "GRAND VILLAGE DES CANSEZ." 

Many localities in this state will contend for the honor of being the first 
capital of Kansas, but all will have to yield to the claim of the ancient In- 
dian city and government center of the Kansa nation which occupied the 
present site of Doniphan, in Atchison county, Kansas. 

As has been said, this once great nation had villages along the Missouri, 
Kansas, Neosho and their branches during the period in which they were 
the masters of a great part of the present state of Kansas, but to their 
ancient capital, at the mouth of Independence creek, was the distinction 
given of being called, "Grand village des Cansez, " or "Grand village des 
Quans. " It was so known even before the French explorer visited it in 
1724, at the time a compact of friendship was formed which ever afterward 
existed between this tribe and the French people." 

Mr. Geo. J. Remsburg, of Oak Mills, who has made a life study of north- 
eastern Kansas, and written much on the subject, corroborates Lewis and 
Clark's statement that Doniphan is the site of the Grand village of the 
Kansa, also known as "the Village of the Twenty- four, " according to Major 
Long, who made note of its ruins in 1819. 

The first description we have of this famous spot, and the Indian nation 
gathered there, comes from the account of the visit of M. Etienne Venyard 
de Bourgmont, in the summer of 1724. This gentleman had been commis- 
sioned military commandant on the Missouri, in 1720, by the French govern- 
ment, which was alarmed at the attempted Spanish invasion of the Missouri 
river region, and desired to establish a friendship with certain border tribes, 
which might assist in preventing any further advancement of the Spanish 
from the Santa Fe region toward the Missouri valley. 

The French had reason to be alarmed, for they knew that the Spanish 
were attempting to colonize the Missouri valley, drawn thereto by their own 
explorations and the reports of valuable mines,'" and intending to open up 

Note 9.— Margry, vol. 6, p. 393. 

Note 10.— The following letter to the secretary of the Historical Society will serve as a sequel 
to the note on page 17 of the Ninth Volume of Collections of the Kansas State Historical Society: 

"Council Grove, Kan., April 15. 1908. 

"In answer to yours of the llth instant, I would say that at the time I came to this territory, 
back in the '40's, there was talk about a tin-mine somewhere in the Smoky Hill valley, and that 
the Kaw Indians held z key to the location. This was the talk in western Missouri and in this 
territory. The Kaws had in their possession specimens of the ore. We procured from them a 
part of it. had it tested, and sent it to Washington, to the commissioner of Indian affairs. I talked 
with the head men of the tribe about the matter and they said to me that the samples exhibited 
by some of their tribe had been obtained by their people from the whites who were passing over 
the Santa Fe trail, or from the border settlements of western Missouri. Various parties during: 



History of the Kansa or Kaw Indians. 13 

trade with the Indian tribes on French territory. ^ Bourgmont started over- 
land for the Kanza village in 1724, from Fort Orleans, a French stronghold 
established by himself on the Missouri river the previous year, not far from 
the present Malta Bend, Mo. With him were M. Bellerive Sieur Renau- 
diere, two soldiers, and five other Frenchmen, besides 177 Missouri and Osage 
Indians, under command of their own chiefs, included in that number 
Several boat-loads of presents, consisting of useful and ornamental articles 
had been sent on ahead in charge of Lieutenant Saint-Ange and an escort of 
eleven soldiers. On July 7, 1724. the overland party arrived on the east 
side of the Missouri, opposite the Kansa village. They crossed the next 
day in a pirogue and on rafts, swimming the horses, and camped near the 
village. Then began a two-weeks celebration, councils, pow-wows. trading 
horses for merchandise, and making presents to the Indians. 

On July 24, they were ready to proceed on their journey to the land of 
the Padoucas (Comanches) upon their mission of peace and friendship It 
was surely an imposing procession, this grand departure, and Bourgmont 
says: "We put ourselves in battle array on the village height, the drum 
began to beat, and we marched away. " 

Besides Bourgmont's forces, the Kansa furnished the following escort to 
this remarkable procession: "Three hundred warriors, commanded by two 
grand chiefs and fourteen war chiefs, three hundred Indian women five 
hundred Indian children, and five hundred dogs loaded down with baigaee 
and provisions. " 

Unfortunately, the summer was unusually sultry, a prevalent fever at- 
tacked Bourgmont and obliged him on the 31st of July to return to Fort 
Orleans, after sending GaiUard as messenger to the Padoucas with some 
slaves which had been purchased from the Kansa to insure a welcome recep- 
tion for the French, and to bear tidings of his intention to visit them later 
By October 8, his health being restored, the commander again set out from 
the Kansa village, but took in his retinue only a few chiefs and head men of 
the Kansa and neighboring tribes. Bourgmont reached the Padoucas Octo- 
ber 18, and effected a peace treaty with them (heretofore they had been 
friendly with the Spanish), and also induced them to enter into a treaty of 
peace and alliance with the Kansa, Missouris . Osages and other tribes. 

the early '50' s from the borders of Missouri went in search of the mine In 1852 one outfit fr ,m 
Jackson county, Missouri, had a caravan of thirty teams and wacrnn= Tt,i„^- ? u ! j * """" 

about twenty years this talk was kept up, and various reports sent nntTn ti,^ locate it. tor 
Washington, and the department finally, during the latter Ws sent Colonel BoatT^^.lT''^ f 
mvestigate the matter. He came with some blankets and othir presents and d^strihnln'V'K *° 

I have not heard the tin-mine spoken of. Respectfully. T S HuffIker '^^ 

r yed at the Kansas river where they encountered the Octotata and Panis Indians wh^massaorli 
all except a priest, who had made his escape on honseback "-StatiitPs nnp,,^,;.^^ j d 
Bearing on the Boundaries of the Province of Ontario. 1878 p. 100 Another accrnrofthi^^s^m' 
expedition says that in 1720 a Spanish expedition led bv bS^n Pedro Clazuf reached thppl^^ 
river, and that the party was ambuscaded by the Pawnee IndianVandpraShydestrm^ -R.n" 
deher, in Papers of the Archaological Institute of America vol 5 ^P[f9^"''a"y''e''tro>ed. Ban- 



14 Kansas State Historical Society. 

This Grand village seems also to have been a Jesuit missionary station as 
early as 1727, for lately I have found in some old French-Canadian records 
of the province of Ontario, an interesting fact not before recognized in 
Kansas history, that the name *'Kanzas" was a well-known geographical 
term to designate a place on the Missouri river, within the present borders 
of our state, where the French government and its official church, nearly 
200 years ago, had an important missionary center. These early French 
records, preserved in the "Documents Relating to the Colonial History of 
the State of New York," contain this statement: "For the support of a 
missionary at Kanzas, 600 livres. " 

It is significant as to the standing of this mission station of the Jesuits 
at Kanzas, away out in the heart of the continent, that in this document it 
was classed along with their other important Indian missions, such as the 
Iroquois, Abenaquis and Tadoussac, and that the same amount per mission- 
ary was expended. It was "Kanzas," a mission charge on the rolls of the 
Jesuit Fathers, for which annual appropriations of money were made as early 
as 1727. Here some of those saintly, self-sacrificing missionary pioneers of 
the Cross must have come from distant Quebec and Montreal, or from the 
far-away cloisters of sunny France. What zeal and sacrifice for others ! 
Is it any wonder that the Kansa Indians always spoke reverently of the 
"black robes," who were the first to labor for their welfare in that long- 
ago period in the wilderness. 

Our next authoritative record as to this village [is given by Lewis and 
Clark, under date of July 4, 1804: 

"We came to and camped on the lower edge of the plain, where the 
2d old Kanzas village formerly stood, above the mouth of a creek, 30 
yards wide; this creek we call Creek Independence. As we approached this 
place the prairie had a most beautiful appearance. Hills and valleys inter- 
spersed with copses of timber gave a pleasing diversity to the scenery, the 
right fork of the Creek Independence meandering through the middle of the 
plain. A point of high land near the river gives an elevated situation. At this 
place the Kanzas Indians formerly lived. This town appears to have covered 
a large space. The nation must have been numerous at the time they lived 
here. The cause of their moving to the Kanzas river I have never heard 
nor can I learn. War with their neighbors must have reduced this nation 
and compelled them to retire to a situation in the plains better calculated 
for their defense, and one where they may make use of their horses with 
good effect in pursuing their enemies. We closed the day by a discharge of 
uur bow piece, [and] an extra gill of whisky." 

"July 5th, 1804. Set out very early; proceeded on near the bank where 
the old village stood for two miles. The origin of this old village is uncer- 
tain. M. de Bourgmont. a French officer, who commanded a fort near the 
town of the Missouris [Fort Orleans] in about the year 1724, and in July of 
the same year he visited this village. At that time the nation was numerous 
and well disposed towards the French. Mr. Du Pratz must have been badly 
informed as to the cane opposite this place. We have not seen one stalk of 
reed or cane on the Missouris He states that the ' Indians that accompanied 
M de Bourgmont crossed to the Canzes village on floats of cane.' These 
people mut-t have been very numerous at that time, as M. de Bourgmont 
was accompanied by 300 warriors. 500 young people and 300 dogs of burthen 
out of this village The cause of these Indians moving over to the Kanzis 
river I have never learned." 

Sergeant Charles Floyd, 'who accompanied Lewis and Clark, wrote the 
following in his journal, July 5, 1804 : 

"Pressed on for two miles under the bank of [where] the Old Kansas 



History of the Kansa or Kaw Indians. 15 

village formerly stood in 1724. The cause of the Indians moving from this 
place I can't learn, but naturally concluded that war has reduced their na- 
tion and compelled them to retire further into the plains with a view of de- 
fending themselves, and to observe their enemy, and to defend themselves 
on horse-back. " ^'^ 

"July 4th. After 15 miles' sail, we came-to on the north, a little above a 
creek on the south side, about 30 yards wide, which we called Independence 
creek, in honor of the day, which we could celebrate only by an evening gun, 
and an additional gill of whisky to the men. 

"July 5th. We crossed over to the south and came along the bank of an 
extensive and beautiful prairie, interspersed with copses of timber and 
watered by Independence creek. On this bank formerly stood the second 
village of the Kansas; from the remains it must have been once a large 
town. "13 

The remains of another old Kansa town, have been found about twenty 
miles down the Missouri from the Grand village, a short distance below 
Cow island (Isle au Vache) and the present Oak Mills, in Atchison county. 
It was evidently not as large a town as the Grand village, yet for certain 
reasons was quite as important a point, and should not be forgotten in re- 
cording the early history of Kansas. It was probably the first governmental 
center in our state where white men hved in a permanent community, 
erected buildings, and transacted business. Here was the old French fort 
or trading-post, the ruins of which were seen and noted by Lewis and Clark. 
But we do not have to entirely depend upon relics and ruins of this famous 
spot for there are records preserved in French-Canadian archives telling of 
its importance. Bougainville on French Forts, in 1757, says: 

"Kanses.— In ascending this stream [the Missouri river] we meet the 
village of the Kanses. We have there a garrison with a commandant, ap- 
pointed, as is the case with Pimiteoui and Fort Chartres, by New Orleans. 
This post produces one hundred bundles of furs." i* 

Perrin du Lac, in 1802, says that thirty-five miles above the mouth of 
the Kansas was found the site of one of the Kansa villages. , According to 
Mr. Remsburg these two quotations refer to the village he has described in 
the Salt creek valley, on the farm of Mr. Thomas Daniels, and I have no 
doubt that he will yet determine the exact position of the old fort and trading- 
post, about which clusters so much that would be of interest in Kansas 
history. Lewis and Clark mention it as follows: 

"July 2, 1804. Opposite our camp is a valley, in which was situated an 
old village of the Kansas, between two high points of land, on the bank of 
the river. About a mile in the rear of the village was a small fort, built by 
the French on an elevation. There are now no traces of the village, but 
the situation of the fort may be recognized by some remains of chimneys, 
and the general outlines of the fortification, as well as by the fine spring 
which supplied it with water. The party who were stationed here were 
probably cut off by the Indians, as there are no accounts of them." '* 

The following extracts are also made from the same author :!" 

"July 2. We camped after dark on the s. s. [starboard side] above the 
island [Kickapoo island], and opposite the first old village of the Kanzes, 

Note 12.— Thwaites' Lewis and Clark, vol. 7, pp. 15, 16. 

Note 13.— Coues' Lewis and Clark, pp. 38, 39. 

Note 14.— Statutes, Documents and Papers Bearing on the Boundaries of the Province of 
Ontario, 1878. page 81. 

Note 15.— Coues' Lewis and Clark, page 37. 

Note 16.- Thwaites' Lewis and Clark, vol. 1. p. 64 ; vol. 6, pp. 57, 36. 



16 Kansas State Historical Society. 

which was situated in a valley between two points of high land and immedi- 
ately on the river bank. Back of the village and on rising ground at about 
one mile the French had a garrison for some time and made use of water 
out of a spring running into Turkey creek." 

" ' First Old Kansa Village,' thirty-five miles up from the mouth of the 
Kansas." 

"Twenty-five miles further Turkey creek falls in on south side. This 
creek is but small, passes through open bottoms nearly parallel with the 
Missouri and in rear of an old Kanzas village. This creek once furnished 
water to an old French garrison situated near its mouth." 

Floyd's Journal says, under dat<} of July 3 : 

"Camped on the north side, on the south side was an old French fort 
who had settled here to protect the trade of this nation in the valley. The 
Kansas had a village between two points of high prairie land, a handsome 
situation for a town."'" 

Some have thought that this village, which I will term the Fort village, 
was older than the Grand village, but the fact that the fort in its vicinity 
was in existence in 1757 would tend to disprove this. Bourgmont, who vis- 
ited the Grand village in 1724, makes no mention of this one near Isle au 
Vache, which he certainly would have done had it been there at the time. 
The trading-post or fort was probably established soon after his visit, as 
Fort Orleans was destroyed during Bienville's government, which ended in 
1726, and the interests of the French would have required one on this remote 
frontier for the double purpose of trade and as a guard against Spanish in- 
vasion, which had been attempted only a few years before. As was often 
the case, the trading-post and fort were not located at the main Indian vil- 
lage, but at some commanding position near by. The post once established 
here, the Indians who came to trade would erect a village, which, although 
at first of a temporary character, would finally become permanent. 

While this Fort village was the Frenchman's headquarters, a military 
and trading center, the Indian village, located within a mile, was doubtless 
tributary to the Grand village at the mouth of Independence creek, the 
capital of the tribe. 

At these early French forts or posts like Kanses. the officer in charge was 
called the commandant. There was a garrison or strong-house built for his 
use and quarters for the soldiers. Then there was the storehouse, where 
the trading took place with the Indians. Here the furs and peltries were 
received and stored, which the Indians brought and exchanged for the goods 
they wanted, such as powder, lead, beads, bright-colored cloth arrow- points 
and trinkets of various kinds. All the buildings were surrounded by a line 
of palisades, and, if possible, the means of obtaining water were within or 
very near at hand. At these posts there was usually a licensed trader, who 
had bought the privilege for a certain price. Some traders were appointed 
by the governor-general with the approbation of the court. It is needless to 
state that the privileges went to the favorites of the appointing power, and 
the practice became an extensive system of patronage. Certain posts re- 
served the fur trade for the benefit of the king, but the record says that 
the traffic at these posts was not profitable for the king, who always lost 
money in this way, and only retained them to preserve an alliance with the 
Indians; the storekeepers and the commandant knowing how to enrich them- 

NoTE 17.— Thwaites' Lewis and Clark, vol. 7, p. 15. 



History of the Kansa or Kaw Indians. 17 

selves. The trading-post at Fort Kanses was of the conge or license char- 
acter, and the trader was some favorite of the governor-general of Canada. 
Whoever he was, he filled the first civil official appointment, and with his 
associates, founded the first permanent white settlement in what is now the 
state of Kansas. ^8 

As a military point, this post and fort named "Kanses" must have been 
of considerable importance, for its garrison was sent from New Orleans, and 
it had the honor of having a commandant in charge and was placed on the 
same basis as Detroit, Vincennnes, Fort Chartres and the other noted French 
forts of that day. 

This name " Kanzas" or "Kanses" had a place in French military, com- 
mercial and religious circles soon after Bourgmont's visit to the capital of 
the Kansa nation in 1724. In general it referred to the region where the 
permanent abodes of the tribe were located, to wit, the Grand village, now 
known to be the present site of Doniphan, and the Fort village, some twenty 
miles down the river— a little below Oak Mills and Cow island. 

Bourgmont, in his account of his visit, fairly well described the Grand 
village, and the sites and ruins of both were observed by Lewis and Clark 
when they passed up the Missouri in 1804, and they have often been men- 
tioned as old villages of the Kansa nation. However, I do not think Kansas 
historians have fully realized the importance of the latter locality, for it 
was evidently the first permanent white settlement in Kansas— the first 
center of activity in war and commerce established within the borders of 
our state. 

It was Kanses, an outpost of the progressive French, and one of their 
frontier towns, where white men lived in houses and carried on business 
almost 200 years ago. Here was a depot for all the commercial supplies of 
that day, the merchandise from distant France and the valuable skins and 
furs which were here stored for sale and exchange. It seems that the an- 
nual output of this first mart of trade in Kansas was 100 bales or bundles of 
furs. When we realize that a bundle or bale of furs represented 100 otter 
skins, 100 wolf skins, or 100 badger skins, or it might be made up of 40 deer 
skins, or 500 muskrat or mink skins, we can see that the trade at Kanses 
was considerable. 

It was Kanses, an important French military post and fort, with its strong 
garrison of brave soldiers, one of that wonderful chain of French defenses 
established from Quebec to New Orleans and along the Missouri river. It 
was here that the stirring morning drum-beat and the solemn echo of the 
evening gun marked the first permanent establishment of white man's au- 
thority, protection and enterprise within the borders of our state. 

No one knows just when the Kansa established the Grand village, or the 
Fort village. The former was an old place in 1724. One of these sites 
doubtless was occupied by the tribe when Marquette marked the Kansa to 
the northwest of the Osages, in his map of 1673. Other maps of that pe- 
riod, like Franquelin's Map of Louisiana, 1679, show the Cansa on the Mis- 
souri above the mouth of the Kansas river. More than likely this locality 
was a stronghold of the tribe in 1602, when the Spanish explorer Onate met 
the Escansaques on the plains and punished them for harrassing the Qui- 



NOTE 18. -Bougainville on French Posts. 1757, in Boundaries of the Province of Ontario, 1878, 
pp. 81-85. 



18 Kansas State Historical Society. 

One of the great battles in which the Kansa were defeated by the allied 
forces of the Iowa, Sac and Fox tribes took place, according to Mr. Geo. J. 
Remsburg, near the present site of Oak Mills, in Atchison county. Vast 
quantities of Indian bones and implements of war have been found on this 
famous old battle ground. It was this and many other conflicts that deci- 
mated this tribe and made them retire to the interior. 

VILLAGES ON THE KANSAS RIVER. 

It will never be exactly known when the Kansa Indians first lived on the 
river which bears their name. Their villages along that stream were occu- 
pied at different times, and their sites are found from its junction with the 
Missouri to as far west as the mouth of the Blue river. One of them at 
least is prehistoric, and can only be pointed out by archeologists, while the 
others were occupied by the tribe since its movements were known to the 
historian. 

The Kansa were one branch of the up-stream people, and when, probably 
about 1500, they separated from the Omaha, Ponka and Osage, with whom 
they had come from the East, they took possession of the valley of the 
Kansas river, and became a distinct Indian nation. 

Probably their most ancient village site in Kansas is that found in Wy- 
andotte county, a little east of White Church, on the old William Malotte 
farm. The many relics recovered there by the late Geo. U. S. Hovey, and 
the extensive outlines of this village, prove it to have long been an impor- 
tant center, and it was probably while living here that the stream received 
from this people its name of Kansas. 

A full history of this once great Indian nation, in its original conquest 
for the mastery of the Kansas river and its tributaries, its hundreds of 
years of occupancy, with all the thrilling incidents of victory and defeat, 
legends and lore, and then the final decadence of the nation and the cruel and 
unfair treatment on the part of the United States, which at last led to its 
complete abandonment of the Kansas valley, would make a thrilling and in- 
teresting chapter in the annals of American Indian life. 

What point upon the Kansas river was first occupied by the Kansa? 
Where did they establish their first village upon this stream at the time they 
began to draw away from the Missouri? This question is partially answered 
by Lewis and Clark in the following quotations, though in a contradictory 
manner: 

"This river [Kansas] receives its name from a nation which dwells at 
this time on its banks, and has two villages, one about twenty leagues, and 
the other forty leagues up. Those Indians are not very numerous at this 
time, reduced by war with their neighbors. They formerly lived on the 
south banks of the Missouri, twenty- four leagues above this river [the Kan- 
sas] in an open and beautiful plain and were very numerous at the time the 
French first settled the Illinois. I am told they are a fierce and warlike 
people, being badly supplied with firearms, became easily conquered by the 
I'lwas and Sacs, who are better furnished with those materials of war. 
This nation is now out on the plains hunting the buffalo. They consist of 
about 300 men."i» 

Their information was secured largely from the trappers and boatmen 
who accompanied them, and was of necessity inaccurate. The first extract 
would imply that the eastern village was still occupied in 1804, while the more 

Note 19.— Thwaites' Lewis and Clark, vol. 1, page 60. 



History of the Kansa or Kaw Indians. 



19 



exact table speaks of the same village as "the old Kanzas village," and in 
the case of the v^^estern village identifies it as "present village of the Kan- 
zas," at the mouth of the Blue. We are thus led to infer that the "old 
Kanzas village," situated on the north side of the Kansas, between Heart 
creek (Soldier) and Black Paint (Red Vermillion), was their first Kansas 
river village after 1724, abandoned in favor of the Blue village. It is singu- 
lar that the site should not have been identified by our early settlers. It 
was possibly near or on the site of that of Fool Chief, in 1830, near Menoken. 



Names of Creeks. Rivers, and Remarkable Places. °" 


d 
: S 

:i 

. V 

. n 
; ET 




O 

N a 3 

1 




5' 
< 

S. 

n 


<! a- 


The three rivers near each other and about the same size 




10 
15 
18 
19 
21 
31 
40 
45 
72 
80 
85 
88 
10 i 

1 IS 


20 
35 
22 
40 
25 
30 


N 


The stranger's wife river 


5 

3 

1 

2 

10 

9 

5 

27 

8 

5 

3 

15 

12 

10 


II 


Bealette's creek 


N 


Wor-rah-ru-za river 


S. 

N 


Grasshopper creek 


Heart river 


N 


The old Kanzas village 


N. 


Full river 


50 
38 
60 
18 
15 
200 
sn 


s 


Black' paint river 


N 


Blue water river and the present village of the Kanzas just below. . 
Me-war-ton-nen-gar creelc 


N. 
N 


War-ho-ba creek 


s 


Republican river 


M 


Solomon's creek 


N 


Little salt creek ." 




125 




30 


N. 



VILLAGE NEAR THE MOUTH OF THE SALINE RIVER. 

According to the Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 
the Kansa had an ancient village at the mouth of the Saline, and the first 
treaty made with them by the United States, soon after the Louisiana pur- 
chase, 1803, was at this village, they having been forced back from the 
Missouri river by the Dakotas. The writer, Dr. W. J. McGee, says that at 
this time they numbered 1500, and occupied thirty earth lodges. His au- 
thority for this statement I have not yet found. 

The first formal recorded treaty between the tribe and the United States 
was that of 1815, a treaty of peace and friendship, of forgiveness on our 
part for their leaning towards the British in the war of 1812. At that time 
their capital village was at the mouth of the Blue Earth river. This is 
usually known as the first treaty with the tribe. However, the first act of 
treating with them so far found was when Pike, on the 28th day of Septem- 
ber, 1806, in his camp near the Pawnee Republic village, held a council with 
representatives of the tribe, and with them and some Osages smoked the 
pipe of peace. It seems impossible that they should have had at this time 
a village at the mouth of the Saline, for Pike, in spite of the cowardice of 
the Osage, would certainly have visited it on his route to the Pawnees, 
which ran northward through Saline county. A village of thirty earth lodges 
would have left an impression not easily effaced by the plow, and it is strange 



Note 20.— Thwaites' Lewis and Clark, vol. 6, p. 36. 



2u Kansas State Historical Society. 

that the exact location of it has never been reported, letters of inquiry re- 
ceiving no answer. 

The description of the village is so like the permanent capital of the tribe 
at the mouth of the Blue river that possibly some of those early writers 
overestimated its distance up the river. The village at the mouth of the 
Saline, if it existed at all, was probably only of a temporary character dur- 
ing hunting seasons, a tributary village to the main town at the Blue, where 
they were visited in 1819 by the Long expedition. In some memoranda of 
the Lewis and Clark expedition, in disconnected notes, occurs the statement: 
" Their Village is 80 leagues up the Kanzes river. They hunt high up the 
Kanzes and Arkansaws. " This would seem to name a spot as far up as the 
Saline. De 'Lisle's map of 1718 shows the "Grande Riv. des Cansez " with 
two large tributaries from the far northwest, and a "Cansez" village at 
the mouth of the second one, far enough to the west to be the Saline. 
Jedidiah Morse, in his "Report on Indian Affairs," 1822, places the Kanzas 
village in his text at the mouth of the Grand Saline, though his map shows 
it to be at the mouth of the [Blue] Earth river. 

VILLAGE NEAR THE MOUTH OF THE BLUE.* 
A prominent capital of the Kansa nation, the exact site of which is well 
known, was the large village just two miles east of the present city of Man- 
hattan, on the bank of the Kansas river. Its location is on sections 9 and 
10, township 10, range 8 east, where the river touches those sections, the line 
between them passing through its midst. When the tribe established this 
as their capital is not exactly known, but it was probably in the last quarter 
of the eighteenth century. 

When the Lewis and Clark expedition passed up the Missouri, in 1804, 
they saw only the ruins of the old Kansa villages. At this time they stated 
that the Kansa villages on the Kansas river "are two in number, one about 
twenty and the other about forty leagues up from its mouth." One of 
these must have been close to the present site of Topeka, and the other 
was this one at the Blue, where a part of Major Long's expedition found it 
in 1819. This was their capital until about 1830, and its 120 lodges just back 

*THE HOME OF THE KANSA INDIANS, FROM OLD MAPS, 1672-1819. 

The earliest map pointing out the location of the Kansa nation was that of Marquette, 1673, 
and described locations as found by that intrepid missionary explorer and his companion, Joliet. 
A copy of this map will be found in this volume opposite page 80. On it the Kansa are placed 
west of the Osages and southeast of the Panis. Marquette did not visit them, nor any tribe west 
of the Mississippi, but had information from well-informed Indians who stood by while he made 
the map. At this time the Kansa were probably on the Missouri river in about the location 
where visited by Bourgmont fifty years later. 

Parkman's map No. 5. in Harvard College library, "La Manitoumie, 1672-'73," shows the 
Kanissi south of the Missouri river and between the Smissouri and the Paniassa. ( Winsor's Nar- 
rative History of America, vol. 4, p. 221.) 

Joliet's map, 1674, shows the Kansa southeast of the Osages and Pani. (Thwaites' Jesuit 
Relations, vol. 59, p. 86.) 

Franquelin's map of Louisiana, 1679-1682, shows the Cansa on the Emissourittes river above 
the mouth of the Kansa river. (Margi-y, vol. 3 ; Thwaites' Jesuit Relations, vol. 63, p. 1.) 

Thevenot's map of Louisiana, 1681, locates the Kemissi south of the Missouri and northwest 
of the Autre Chaha (Osage) and toward the Panissi. 

De 'Lisle's map of Louisiana, 1718, shows the Grande Rivere des Cansez and a village far out 
on that stream at the mouth of the second large tributary from the northwest, near the country 
of the Padoucas. It also shows a village of Les Cansez on the Mis.souri river, south side, near the 
moutli of a creek (Independence). (In French's Louisiana, part 2.) 

D'Anville's map of Louisiana, 1732, locates the Kansez village at the mouth of Petite river 
des Kansez. This was the Grand village at the mouth of Independence creek. This map also 
shows the River des Padoucas et Kansez and a village of the Paniouassas on a northern branch. 
(Photo map.) 

Bellin's map of Louisiana, 1744, marks the Pays des Canses (country of the Kansa) extend- 
ing from the Missouri river almost to the mountains, being quite a part of the present states of 
Missouri, Kansas and southern Nebraska. The Canses village is placed at the mouth of the sec- 



History of the Kansa or Kaw Indians. 21 

from the river, as reported by Professor Say, made an imposing appearance. 
Mr. Henry Stack pole's survey in 1880 represents 160 or more lodge sites of 
from ten to fifty feet in diameter. 

Some time after the treaty of 1825, vi'hen the Kansa surrendered their 
claim to a large part of Kansas, they began to retrace their steps toward 
the east, and by 1830 had established themselves at villages near the mouth 
of Mission creek, west of the city of Topeka, and at other places, and this 
Blue Earth village was abandoned. A very full account of this village, as 
told in 1819 by Mr. Thomas Say, of the Long expedition, with an illustra- 
tion and map, will be found in Kansas Historical Collections, volumes 1 and 
2, page 286. 

VILLAGE EAST OF TOPEKA, THE FIRST OFFICIAL AGENCY. 

By the treaty of June 3, 1825, the Kanza nation bartered away their imperial 
patrimony —almost one-half of the state of Kansas— for a mess of pottage. For 
this they received $4000 in merchandise and horses, an annual tribal annuity 
of $3500 for twenty years, and a limited reservation along the Kansas river. 
They also received some cattle, hogs and chickens, and some half-breed al- 
lotments. The eastern boundary of their reduced country was sixty miles 
west of the Missouri state line, or what is now the western boundary of Sol- 
dier township, in Shawnee county. Twenty-three half-breed Kansas 
children were each given a section of land fronting on the north side of the 
Kansas river. The first of these allotments was made next east of Soldier 
township, and the twenty-third allotment, that of Joseph James, was down 
the river near the present Union Pacific station of Williamstown, Jefferson 
county. Here quite a settlement sprang up in 1827, composed of the agency 
oflficers and families, half-breed families and some Indians, ^i This treaty of 
1825 provided for a blacksmith and farmer for the tribe. These officials lo- 
cated on what was thought to be the most eastern half-breed allotment, but 

ond large tributary of the Kansas river from its junction with the Missouri. It shows also the 
Petite river des Canses (the Little River of the Kansa). (Shea's Charlevoix History of New 
France, vol. 6, p. 11.) 

Sieur le Rouge's map, 1746, shows River des Canses correctly, and the Canses village on the 
Kansas river, quite a way from its mouth. 

Vaugondy's map of North America, 1798, gives Les Canses on their river, and gives the Pays 
des Canses as extensive as that of other great Indian nations, or from the mountains to the Mis- 
souri river, over most of the present state of Kansas. (Winsor's Miss. Basin, p. 205.) 

Le Page Du Pratz's map of Louisiana, 1757, with course of the Mississippi and tributaries, 
shows the river of the Cansez with the location of a Cansez village up that stream about sixty or 
seventy miles. It also shows the Grand village Cansez on the Missouri river quite a distance 
above the mouth of the Cansez river. This shows that they were again living on both streams, 
with permanent villages, as shown by De'Lisle's map of 1718. (Photo map.) 

Dunn's map, 1774, Source of Mississippi river, shows Kanzez at mouth of a tributary to the 
Missouri river. This was doubtless the old Grand village at the mouth of Independence creek. 
This copy of Dunn's map does not show the whole course of the Kansas river, omitting a village 
at the mouth of the Blue, and would indicate that as late as 1774 they were still occupying the 
above-described Grand village. (Winsor's Westward Movement, page 214.) 

Carver's map of North America. 1778. shows Kansez on the south side of the Missouri, north- 
west of the Osages. This is about the last map showing them lingering by the Missouri river. 
After this they seem to have entirely established themselves on their own old river, the Kansas. 
(Winsor's Westward Movement, page 104.) 

French map of date prior to 1800, used by Lewis and Clark, 1804, marks the junction of Kan- 
ces river, upon which the Kansa nation lived at that time. (Map No. 1, Thwaite's Lewis and 
Clark.) 

Spanish map of about 1800, used by Lewis and Clark, Map No. 2, shows Kansez river with a 
village of Kansez Indians on its north bank east of the junction with the Blue. 

Pike's map, 1806, gives Kanses on the river of that name. ' Coues' edition.) 

Long's map of the West, 1819, shows Konzas village at the mouth of Blue Earth river, near 
the bank of the Konzas river. It also shows the site of the Old Konzas village on the Missouri 
river at the mouth of Independence creek, which had been abandoned by the nation many years 
before. 

Note 21. — For some interesting incidents connected with this village, see Kansas Historical 
Collections, vol. 9, p. 195. 



22 Kansas State Historical Society. 

it seems that a mistake was made, and they really settled over the line on 
land reserved to the Delaware Indians by their supplemental treaty of Sep- 
tember 24, 1829. 

This village had become quite a settlement by 1830, and among the In- 
dians who lived near the agency was that famous old Kansa chief, Wom- 
pa-wa-ra (he who scares all men), whose other name was "Plume Blanche," 
or "White Plume." 

"The present chief of this tribe [1832-'33] is known by the name of the 
'White Plume' ; a very urbane and hospitable man of good portly size, 
speaking some English, and making himself good company for all white per- 
sons who travel through his country and have the good luck to shake his 
liberal and hospitable hand." (Catlin's Illustrations of North American In- 
dians, 1876, vol. 2, page 23.) 

The government had built for this dignitary a substantial stone house, 
but for some reason he refused to abide in it, preferring his old style wigwam 
lodge, which he usually erected in the dooryard of this official palace. The 
floors and woodwork of this building were destroyed, and White Plume once 
gave as an excuse for not using the house, "Too much fleas." 

When Rev. William Johnson was sent as a missionary to the tribe, in 
1830, his first two years of work seem to have been at this place, prior to 
his brief mission to the Delawares. 

The trading-post of Frederick Chouteau was across the river, in the 
neighborhood of Lake View. Daniel Morgan Boone, a son of the Kentucky 
pioneer, lived at the settlement as government farmer to the tribe. In 1830 
Frederick Chouteau moved his trading-post up to the Mission creek villages, 
and in 1835 Major Boone went there also and opened up two farms. By 
this time the Jefferson county village was abandoned and the interest of 
the tribe centered around the Mission creek villages. 

Marston G. Clark was the government agent to the tribe most of the 
time that this village was the official agency. Irving describes him as "a 
tall, thin, soldier-like man, arrayed in a hunting shirt and an old fox-skin 
cap. ' ' 

Mr. W. W. Cone, in the Capital of August 27, 1879, gives a good de- 
scription of White Plume's house, and the exact location of this village, the 
old house being about fifty yards north of the present Union Pacific depot 
at the Williamstown or Rural station, Jefferson county. 

MISSION CREEK VILLAGES, SHAWNEE COUNTY. 

From 1830 to 1846 there were two Kansa villages near the mouth of Mis- 
sion creek, in the western part of Shawnee county. American Chief had 
his village of some twenty lodges on the west side of the creek, about two 
miles from the Kansas river. This chief had about 100 followers. 

The village of Hard Chief, whose Indian name was Kah-he-ga-wah-che-hah, 
was about two miles from the village of American Chief, and nearer the 
river. This chief had at that time 500 or 600 followers. This village num- 
bered nearly 100 lodges, and was on a hill overlooking the Kansas river, a 
mile and half west of the mouth of Mission creek, and has been located on 
the northeast quarter of the northwest quarter of section 28, township 11, 
range 14 east. This village deserves special mention, for it was here that 
Rev. William Johnson and wife labored as missionaries to this tribe for seven 
years. They came in 1835, and erected the mission buildings on the north- 



History of the Kansa or Kaiv Indians. 



23 




1 2 3 

Famous Kaw Chiefs. -1. Al-le-ga-wa-ho ; 2. Kah-he-ga-wa-ti-an-grah. known as the Fool 
Chief; 3. Wah-ti-an-gah. 



24 Kansas State Historical Society. 

west corner of section 33, township 11, range 14 east. It seems that Rev. 
"William Johnson had a wide influence with this tribe, and his death, in 1842, 
was a great loss, for the tribe never afterwards seemed to respond to the 
meager missionary efforts attempted. 

In 1845 Rev. J. T. Peery, who had married Mrs. Johnson, was sent to 
this place tol establish a manual-labor school After a year's trial, it seem- 
ing to be a failure, the school was discontinued. Only a few children ever 
attended the school kept by Mr. and Mrs. Johnson at the mission, unless it 
was a deputation of children taken by Reverend Johnson to the Shawnee 
manual-labor school just before his death. 

This seemed to end the missionary work with this tribe for many years, 
except that of a scholastic character. In fact, the seven or eight years' 
mission work of Reverend and Mrs. Johnson and Reverend Peery was the 
sum total of the resident rehgious effort among this tribe for a space of 
three-quarters of a century. Much of the missionaries' time was spent in 
acquiring the language, and it was an irreparable loss that, just as the 
Johnsons had become proficient both in the language and manners of the 
tribe, they were taken away, and no very extensive efforts were ever after- 
wards made to send resident religious teachers among them. 

It was while Reverend Johnson was with the tribe that a book was 
pnnted in the Kansa language. No copy seems to have been preserved. 
Reverend Johnson does not mention it in any writings he has left, and I 
have found but little authority from old Indians or those who lived with the 
tribe regarding this alleged book. See more extended mention of this book 
under "Missionary Efforts with the Kansa," this article. 

By the terms of the treaty of 1846, the tribe gave up their right to their 
lands on the Kansas river and were assigned a reservation twenty miles 
square in the Neosho valley, near Council Grove, to which they moved in 
the spring of 1847. This was the most disastrous step ever taken by the 
tribe, and really proved its complete undoing as an Indian nation of much 
importance. The old Mission creek buildings in Shawnee county were occu- 
pied for a time by Joseph Bourassa, an educated half-breed Pottawatomie, 
who had a Kansa wife. In 1853 he tore them down and moved the logs 
about one mile north, where they were used to build another residence. 

For an account of this Mission creek village and the work of Revs. Wil- 
liam Johnson and J. T. Peery, see Kansas Historical Collections, volumes 1 
and 2, page 276; also volume 9, page 195. 

"FOOL CHIEF'S VILLAGE" 1830-1846. 

WEST OF NORTH TOPEKA. 

An important village, and the largest of the tribe at that time, was that 
of old Kah-he-gah-wa-ti-an-gah, known as Fool Chief, which from about 
1830 to 1846 was located on the north side of the Kansas river, just north of 
the present Union Pacific station of Menoken.-^ This was the largest In- 
dian village of importance near the present city of Topeka, and was about 
six miles west of the mouth of Soldier creek, on the southeast quarter of 
section 16, township 11, range 15 east. Until recent years the lodge-circle 
marks were visible and its exact location easy to be found. Recently visit- 
ing this spot, it was easy to see the wisdom of the Indians in selecting this 
jilace for a village site. During the great flood of 1903, when North Topeka 

Note 22.— Kansas Historical Collections, vol. 8, p. 483. 



History of the Kansa or Kaw Indians. 



25 




Kanza village of Fool Chief, 1841. near Menokin, Shawnee county. — From Father P. J. 
DeSmet's Letters and Sketches, Philadelphia,. 1843. 



and almost all of the valley was submerged, the station of Menoken and 
quite a spot surrounding was high and dry as an island. During the great 
flood of 1844, which was of longer duration, and, from some accounts, even 
higher than that of 1903, this village was an island of safety, to and from 
which the Kansa plied their canoes over the waste of waters. 

Old Fool Chief ruled here till about the time the tribe was moved to 
Council Grove. He was the hereditary chief, and for along time head chief. 
When sober he was peaceable, but always felt his authority, and coveted 
the attention of younger braves, who brought him choice portions of game. 
The Methodists, who had a mission near the mouth of Mission creek near 
the other two villages of the tribe, once took him to the general conference 
at Baltimore, where he embarrassed them by appearing, as was customary 
at home, stark naked on the streets one hot, sultry morning. Afterward he 
fell still further from grace, and when under the influence of drink always 
became crazy. In one of these spells, while on his way over to Missouri 
with a band of warriors, he was killed by one of his own braves, Wa-ho- 
ba-ke, whose life he was attempting to take. 

Father De Smet, on his great missionary tour across the continent, visited 
this village in May, 1841, and was received with much favor and formality. 
Two of the relatives of the grand chief came twenty miles to meet him, and 
helped the missionary cross the Kansas river near the mouth of Soldier creek, 
just below the present city of Topeka. Near this spot Father De Smet 
camped and was visited by the head chief and six of his council warriors. 
A council of friendship was held, the chief showed his credentials, and they 
all smoked the calumet. A guard was furnished for the use of the mission- 
ary during his visit. 

Father De Smet, in speaking of the appearance of the village upon ap- 
proaching it, says : 

"At the first sight of their wigwams we were struck at the resemblance 
they bore to the large stacks of wheat which cover our fields in harvest- 
time. There were of these in all no more than about twenty, grouped 
together without order, but each covering a space of about 120 feet in cir- 
cumference, and sufficient to shelter from 30 to 40 persons. The entire 



26 



Kansas State Historical Society. 




Interior of a Kanza lodge, 1841, near Menokin, Shawnee county. — From Father P. J. 
DeSmet's Letters and Sketches, Philadelphia, 1843. 

village appeared to us to consist of from 700 to 800 souls. . . . These 
cabins, however humble they may appear, are solidly built and convenient. 
From the top of the wall, which is about six feet in height, rise inchned 
poles, which terminate round an opening above, serving at once for chimney 
and window. The door of the edifice consists of an undressed hide on the 
most sheltered side; the hearth occupies the center, and is in the midst of 
four upright posts destined to support the rotunda ; the beds are ranged 
round the wall, and the space between the beds and the hearth is occupied 
by members of the family, some standing, others sitting or lying on skins 
or yellow-colored mats." 

Continuing, Father De Smet gives the following interesting description 
of the Indians of this capital of the tribe at that time : 

"It would be difficult to describe all the curiosities we beheld during the 
hour we passed among these truly strange beings ; a Teniers would have • 
envied us. What most excited our attention was the peculiar physiognomy 
of the greater number of these personages, their vivacity of expression, 
singular costumes, diversity of amusement, and fantastic attitudes and ges- 
tures. 

"The women alone were occupied, and in order to attend to their various 
duties with less distraction tliey had placed those of their papooses who 
were unable to walk on beds or on the floor, or at their feet, each tightly 
swathed and fastened to a board, to preserve it from being injured by sur- 
rounding objects. . . . How were the men occupied? When we entered, 
some were preparing to eat, this is their great occupation when not asleep, 
others were smoking, discharging the fumes of the tobacco by their mouths 
and nostrils, reminding one of the funnels of a steamboat; they talked, they 
plucked out their beard and the hair of their eye-brows, they made their 
toilette; the head receiving particular attention. 

"Contrary to the custom of other tribes, who let the hair on their heads 
grow (one of the Crows has hair eleven feet long), the Kanzas shave theirs, 
with the exception of a well-curled turf on the crown, destined to be wreathed 
with the warrior's plume of eagle's feathers, the proudest ornament with 
which the human head can be adorned. -^ . . . 



Note 23. — "The custom of shaving the head, and ornamenting it with the crest of deer's 
hair, belongs to this tribe ; also to the Osages, the Pawnees, the Sacs and Foxes, and loways, and 



History of the Kansa or Kaw Indians. 27 

"I could not help watching the motions of a young savage, a sort of 
dandy, who ceased not to arrange, over and over again, his bunch of feath- 
ers before a looking-glass, apparently unable to give it the graceful finish 
he intended — Father Point, having suffered his beard to grow, soon became 
an object ■ 'f curiosity and laughter to the children— a beardless chin and well- 
picked eyebrows and lashes being, among them, indispensable to beauty. 
Next come the plume and slit-ears, with their pendants of beads and other 
trinkets This is but a part of their finery, . . . and but a faint speci- 
men of I heir vanity. Do you wish to have an idea of a Kanza satisfied with 
himself in the highest degree? Picture him to yourself with rings of ver- 
milion encircling his eyes, with white, black or red streaks running down 
his face, a fantastic necklace, adorned in the center with a large medal of 
silver or copper dangling on his breast; bracelets of tin, copper or brass on 
his arms and wrists; a cincture of white around his waist, a cutlass and 
scabbard; embroidered shoes or moccasins on his feet; and, to crown all, a 
mantle, . . . thrown over the shoulders and falling around the body in 
such folds or drapery as the wants or caprice of the wearer may direct, and 
the individual stands before you as he exhibited himself to us. 

"In stature, they are generally tall and well made. Their physiognomy 
is manl> , their language is guttural, and remarkable for the length and strong 
accentation of the final syllables. Their style of singing is monotonous, 
whence it may be inferred that the enchanting music heard on the rivers of 
Paraguay never cheers the voyageur on the otherwise beautiful streams of 
the country of the Kanzas. 

"With regard to the qualities which distinguish man from the brute, 
they are far from being deficient. To bodily strength and courage they 
unite a ^hrewdness and address superior to other savages, and in their wars 
and on i he chase they make a dextrous use of firearms, which gives them a 
decided advantage over their enemies." 

In another place, in speaking of the valor of the Kansa Indians, Father 
De Smet bears this testimony: 

"The Pawnees are divided into four tribes, scattered over the fertile 
borders of the Platte river. Though six times more numerous than the 
Kanzas, they have almost on every occasion been conquered by the latter, 
because they are far inferior to them in the use of firearms, and in strength 
and courage." 

Father De Smet closes his interesting account as follows: 

"However cruel they may be to their foes, the Kanzas are no strangers 
to the tenderest sentiments of piety, friendship and compassion. They are 
often inconsolable for the death of relations, and leave nothing undone to 
give proof of their sorrow. Then only do they suffer their hair to grow- 
long hair being the sign of long mourning. The principal chief apologized 
for the length of his hair, informing us . . . that he had lost his son. 
I wish that I could represent . . . the countenances of three others 
when they visited our little chapel for the first time. When we showed 
them an Ecce Homo and a statute of our Lady of the seven Dolours, and the 
interpreter explained to them, that that head crowned with thorns, and that 
countenance defiled with insults, were the true and real image of God, who 
had died tor the love of us. and that the heart they saw pierced with seven 
swords was the heart of his mother, we beheld an affecting illustration of 
the beautiful thought of Tertullian, that the soul of man is naturally Chris- 
tian ! On such occasions it is suiely not difficult, after a short instruction 
on true faith and love of God, to excite feelings of pity for their fellow 
creatures in the most ferocious bosoms. . . . May the God of Mercies, 
in whom we alone place all our trust, bless our undertaking and enable us 

to no other tribe that I know of. ... I found these people cutting off the hair with small 
scissors, which they purchase of the fur traders; and they told me that previous to getting scissors 
they cut it away with their knives ; and before they got knives they were in the habit of burning 
it off with red-hot stones, which was a very slow and painful operation." — George Catlin, Illus- 
trations of the Manners, Customs and Conditions of the North American Indians, London, 1876, 
vol. 2, pp. 23, 24. 



28 



Kansas State Historical Society. 




Ah-ke-dah-shin-gah, Little Soldier, a typical 
Indian brave. 



History of the Kansa or Kaw Indians. 29 

to predict that our sweat, mixed with the fertilizing dew of heaven, will fall 
auspiciously on this long barren earth, and make it produce somethmg else 
besides briars and thorns !" 24 

It seems from the following that there was something noble and com- 
mendable in the character of the early Kansa nation, which was of such re- 
pute that it also received a tribute from an English writer who had visited 
America, and was discussing forms of government, etc. In a history of 
Connecticut, by Samuel A. Peters, printed in 1781 in London, on page 103, 
we find this complimentary observation regarding the tribe: 

"The American Cansez, near Lake Superior, enjoy liberty complete 
without jealousy. Among them the conscious independence of each indi- 
vidual warms his thoughts and guides his actions. He enters the sachemic 
dome with the same simple freedom as he enters the wigwam of his brother, 
neither dazzled at the splendor nor awed by the power of the possessor! 
Here is liberty in perfection." 

This writer only erred in the location of the tribe, but gives the name 
the same spelling as other French writers of that period. 

NEOSHO VALLEY VILLAGES AT COUNCIL GROVE. 

The Kansa made their home from 1847 to 1873 on the diminished reserve, 
surrounding that well-known spot in the Neosho valley. Council Grove. 
Here they established three villages, each governed by a chief, 

Cahola Creek village was on a creek of that name south of the present 
town of Dunlap. For a long time Al-le-ga-wa-ho, the head chief, presided 
at this village, having succeeded the old Hard Chief, Kah-he-ga-wah-che-ha. 
This village was the largest of the three, and Hard Chief ruled here from 
the time the tribe came from the Kaw valley, in 1847, until some time in the 
'60's, when he died, a very old man. He was of ordinary intellect, but not 
a great warrior. Kah-he-gah means chief and wah-che-ha hard or severe, 
and this chief was said to be of that type. 

Al-le-ga-wa-ho, his successor, was a remarkable character, long trusted 
as the wisest leader of the tribe. He was elected head chief when Kah-he- 
gah-wah-ti-an-gah the Second, Fool Chief the Younger, lost his position for 
having killed a noted brave without cause. Al-le-ga-wa-ho was tall and 
stately, about six feet six, and was long noted as the most eloquent orator 
of the tribe. He was considered safe and honest in his dealings, and one of 
the few noted Indians of his day who could not be bribed. He had three 
wives, one of whom was his special favorite, as will be seen by the follow- 
ing incident: It was always a disputed question whether she or the wife of 
his cousin. Fool Chief the Younger, was the finest looking. At one time 
she had been sick for weeks and at last was convalescent, but was very par- 
ticular and dainty about her diet. She turned away from all kinds of fixed- 
up dishes for the sick, and longed for that prized Indian dish of dog meat. 
To gratify her appetite Al-le-ga-wa-ho came to Council Grove and bagged 
for a fat dog, stating that it was the only thing that would satisfy and cure 
his wife. He found that one could be bought for two dollars, but having 
spent all of his annuity money, had to borrow the price from a friend, and 
hastened back rejoicing to his village with the doomed canine. Around 
Council Grove, when a fat dog disappeared, it was always known where it 

Note 24.— De Smet's Letters and Sketches. 1843, p. 64. 



30 



Kansas State Historical Society. 




Stone house built for Kaw Indians. 



went. Al-le-ga-wa-ho lived to be a very old man, and died in the Indian 
Territory years ago. 

Fool Chief's village was near the present town of Dunlap, in the valley. 
Kah-he-ga-wah-ti-an-ga Second, governed this village for a long time, having 
succeeded Ish-tah-le-sah (Speckled Eye), his uncle. Speckled Eye was a 
brother of Hard Chief and second in rank as a ruler. He was a man of 
strong and positive personality and was sober and alert. He was the fa- 
mous orator of the old triumvirate, and was always put forward on important 
occasions when government officers visited the tribe, because of his ability 
to make a great speech. He died from eating too much "store trash" the 
same day he received his annuity money. He had been living on short ra- 
tions and the change was too sudden. He was tall, spare of flesh and very 
dignified, and had a prominent Roman nose between very high cheek-bones. 
He had far more influence in tribal matters than his elder brother. Hard 
Chief. At his death, his nephew, Fool Chief the Younger, took his place 
and became head chief of the tribe, but lost the position by an unworthy 
act— killing a brave without cause, and came very near to suffering the 
death penalty. He was tried by the tribe and only saved himself by paying 
as a fine a large number of ponies, blankets, robes and other valuables, and 
assigning his annuity for a time; all of which went to the mourning widow, 
who at last was appeased and went away rejoicing with the abundance of 
her possessions. This incident took much from the former prestige of this 
chief and soured his later years. While most of the Kansa chiefs had sev- 
eral wives, he had but two. His second wife was his by custom, being his 
deceased brother's wife. His real wife was long con.sidered the beauty of 
the tribe, which did not have many handsome squaws. She was noted for 
her intelligent countenance, was tall, of fine physique and a rich dresser. 



History of the Kansa or Kaw Indians. 31 

Her family did not belong to that village, but he stole her by a shrewd and 
sensational elopement from the neighboring village nearer Council Grove. 
Fool Chief went to the Territory with the tribe, and was the last of the 
"Fool" chiefs, as the name died with him. 

The third, or Big John, village was located near Big John creek, south- 
east of Council Grove, and was not far from the agency. At one time this 
village was situated within a mile of Council Grove, and the high ground 
where the old Allen farmhouse now stands was about the center of the vil- 
lage. This village used to make use of the lake on the Stenger farm in 
which to wash their ponies. Peg-gah-hosh-she was the first chief to rule at 
this village. He was a brother of Hard Chief and Speckled Eye, and one of 
the three big chiefs who came with the tribe from their home on the Kaw. 
He belonged to the old dynasty, the old crowd, and was a man of much 
force, stubborn and set in his ruling. Of the three old chiefs he was con- 
sidered the most skilled and trusted warrior of the three brothers. He died 
about 1870, and was succeeded by his nephew, Wah-ti-an-ga, a son of 
Speckled Eye. 

Wah-ti-an-ga was a cunning and rather tricky fellow, and was given to 
the use of liquor, much to his disgrace and the safety of those around him. 
Under one of these spells caused by pie-ge-ne (whisky) he followed Mr. 
Huffaker around all one afternoon, seeming to want to keep right at his 
side. Mr. Huffaker suspicioned nothing, but a friend by the name of Ching- 
gah-was-see (Handsome Bird) did a handsome thing by watching his chance 
and telling Mr. Huffaker that the drunken chief had made his boasts that 
he would not leave town till he had taken the life of Tah-poo-skah, that be- 
ing the Indian name of Mr. Huffaker, meaning teacher. Wah-ti-an-ga 
claimed that it would be a great deed to kill so important a personage. It 
was fortunate that Handsome Bird informed him, for it is never safe to 
trust an Indian crazed or foolish with liquor, for sometimes they will kill 
their best friend. Wah-ti-an-ga was still a chief when the tribe went to the 
Territory, where he lived for a long time. Ching-gah-was-see was a good 
Indian and noted brave, and had the honor of having a spring named for 
him. This spring is a few miles north of the city of Marion and is noted 
for its medicinal qualities. 

Three or four different schemes for improving the condition of the tribe 
were undertaken during the twenty-six years of its sojourn at Council 
Grove, such as the Methodist Indian mission ; building houses for those who 
would live in them ; instruction in farming and stock-raising ; and the 
Quaker educational effort. For the most part these efforts were not of 
sufficient duration and energy to fully test them While there were indi- 
vidual cases of improvement, the general condition of the tribe was influ- 
enced very little. 

The Indian mission school was erected in 1850 by the Methodist Episcopal 
Church South, from funds furnished by the United States government. The 
teachers were T. S. Huffaker and wife and H. W. Webster and wife— Mr. 
Huffaker having charge of the school and Mr. Webster of the farming and 
stock-raising. This school was closed in 1854, the reason alleged being its 
large expense, amounting to fifty dollars per capita annually, and the gov- 
ernment refused to increase the appropriation. The pupils were generally 
orphans and dependents of the tribe and were all boys, for the Indians ab- 
solutely refused to send any of their girls. The custom was to give away 



32 Kansas State Historical Society. 

the girls in marriage a long time before the ceremony. In fact, the mar- 
riage of the young Indian girls was nothing more than a consummation of a 
bargain and sale, and the bargain was made with their parents when the 
girls were quite young— usually before they were in their teens. 

Mr. Huffaker says that he never knew but one Kansa Indian whom he 
considered converted to the Christian faith. His name was Sho-me-kos-se 
(a wolf). There was an interpreter at this school to assist the teachers, by 
the name of William Johnson, who was named after the first missionary to 
the tribe. This interpreter was fine-looking, intelligent, alert and withal a 
good man, although a full-blooded Indian. 

This old Kaw Indian mission building is one of the most historic struc- 
tures in Kansas, and at this date is in a perfect state of preservation. It 
is full two stories high, constructed of stone from the near-by quarry and 
native lumber from the original Council Grove. It has eight rooms, and in 
each gable are two large projecting stone fireplace chimneys; the walls are 
very thick; the general appearance of the structure is solid and quaint, and 
the surroundings are very romantic. It is still used as a residence, and, 
strange to relate, only a few months ago Judge Huffaker and his wife 
moved back to live again within its walls, which sheltered them over a half- 
century ago, when they taught the Indians before Kansas was even a terri- 
tory. 

It has been used for many purposes— as schoolhouse, council-house, 
court-house, meeting-house, and a fortress during the Indian raids and 
scares of frontier days, when it was a coveted stronghold to which the 
early settler often fled for safety. Governors and officers of the state and the 
army have been entertained in this building. Often it has been the retreat 
and welcome resting-place for explorers, travelers and tired missionaries 
on their way to Mexico and the far Southwest, when homes and places of 
entertainment were few and far between. Once Governor Reeder and 
party stopped here for two days on an expedition to select a site for the 
territorial capital, and probably Council Grove would have been chosen had 
it not been for the uncertainty of title to the Kansa Indian lands. This old 
structure stands on the bank of the Neosho river, in the north part of the 
present city, and is close by the ancient river ford. Years ago, at a near-by 
spot, an old foot-bridge was constructed for use during high water, and all 
the surroundings of this old Indian mission are both attractive and romantic. 

It was unfortunate that the United States government did not spend 
more money in this educational effort with this tribe. This school should 
not have been closed simply because the cost per pupil reached fifty dollars 
annually, especially when we consider the rich domain along the Kansas val- 
ley and elsewhere which the tribe surrendered to the government for a mere 
trifle of its real worth. Many of the pupils were fairly quick to learn and 
succeeded along certain lines of literary work, but they did not represent 
the children of the best element of the tribe. The full-blooded, aristocratic 
type of Indian considered it degrading in the extreme to be taught the white 
man's education. They were honest in this, for they believed it would 
weaken them in all the elements which preserved the true Indian character. 
Few white men of their acquaintance were worthy of example. In this 
they were different from the emigrant Indians, some of whom advocated 
and encouraged educational and religious movements. Strange as it may 
seem, from 1854 to 1873 there was practically no missionary or religious ef- 



History of the Kansa or Kaw Indians. 



33 




In a wheat-field — " A Cabin of the Kaws." 



fort made with this tribe. They were left to grow up in their old-time ig- 
norance and superstition. 

During the summer of 1855 over 400 of the tribe were the victims of 
smallpox.-"' Their burying-grounds are scattered along the Neosho valley 
and on the neighboring slopes. Cultivation has obliterated many graves, 
except where the lands have been used for pasture. There the scars on the 
earth are still visible, where the piles of stones or flat slabs are mute re- 
minders of that dreadful scourge which has so often decimated the tribes of 
the West. 

One peculiarity about the type of smallpox among the Kaws was that it 
did not seem to spread from the Indians to the whites. Mr. Huffaker and 
other whites who were with the Indians in all stages of the contagion never 
took it, and their observation was that it could not be transmitted from an 
Indian to a white man. The only white man in Council Grove who had the 
disease got it from a negro slave who took it from the Indians. This white 
man took rare of the negro in his sickness and died, while the negro re- 
covered. The negro was returned to his owner at Independence. 

Note 25. — Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Report, 1885, p. 434. 



34 Kansas State HistoHcal Society. 

After the treaty of 1859, when the Kaw reservation was reduced fn size 
to what was known as the diminished reserve, the agency of the tribe was 
moved from Council Grove to a point about four miles southeast of the city, 
near the mouth of the Big John, where some of the buildings remain to-day. 
The government constructed substantial buildings, consisting of the agency 
house and stables, storehouse, council-house, and two large frame school 
buildings. They were principally constructed from native oak and black 
walnut lumber sawed out of the forests along the river. The large school 
buildings were the most interesting, one of which was for the families of 
the people connected with the school and for training the young Indians in 
cooking and other domestic ways. The other building, a long, two-story 
structure, was for classes and school purposes. At about the same time 
that these agency buildings were put up the government also built some 150 
small stone cottages or cabins along the valley on the reservation for the 
individual use of Indian families; the plan being to educate and civilize the 
tribe as much as possible, and to teach them to farm and care for them- 
selves, as the best foundation and really the only means of improving them 
in a moral and religious way. The government erected these buildings from 
Indian funds, and the educational efforts were put in charge of the Quakers, 
with Mathon Stubbs as manager. -« 

School was opened on the 1st of May, 1863, and continued until Septem- 
ber, 1866, when the agent, Maj. Henry W. Farnsworth, reported that the 
effort had been a failure because of the lack of missionary work among both 
children and adults ; that to have good results it was necessary that the 
children should be "better fed, better clothed and better cared for in every 
respect than the children at home." The school was resumed in 1869, and 
continued until June, 1873, when the tribe removed to the Territory. This 
last effort was more suscessful, the parents influencing the children to at- 
tend, and sending a larger proportion of girls.-" 

Mr. Stubbs was the agent of the Kansa until they went to their present 
location in the Territory in 1873. Very few of the tribe would ever consent to 
live in the comfortable stone houses provided for their use, claiming that 
houses would breed disease, and were not as healthy as wigwams and lodges. 

Prior to their going to the Territory very few learned to farm, and those 
few in an indifferent and careless manner, and so the Quaker effort with 
the tribe was as unsuccessful as that of the Methodist nearly twenty years 
before. 

The Kaws never took kindly to the religion of the whites. They said: 
"It may be all right for you, we don't know, but ours is better for us." 
They were not as much given even to Indian religious ceremonies as many 
other tribes, and what they had and their beliefs they carefully guarded, 
and they were very reticent to express themselves. They believed in a Great 
Spirit they called Wau-con-dah, the Manitou of the other tribes, but had 
many grotesque superstitions bordering on polytheism, for there were in- 

NOTE 26. -Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Reports, 1863-'66, 1869-'73. 

Note 27. — United States Senator Curtis was a pupil at this school at one time. His parents 
lived in North Topeka. but his mother being a member of the Kansa nation (one-quarter blood) 
he was sent over to attend the tribal school. Senator Curtis and his three children are recognized 
allotment members of the tribe, and have been given their due proportion of the tribal lands at 
the Oklahoma reservation. Our senator's lineage runs thus: Charles Curtis, son of Capt. Orren 
A. Curtis and his wife Ellen Pappan; Ellen Pappan. daughter of Louis Pappan and his wife Julie 
Gonville; Julie Gonville, daughter of Louis Gonville and his wife, who was a daughter of the 
Kansa Chief White Plume or Wom-pa-wa-ra (He who scares all men). 



History of the Kansa or Kaw Indians. 



35 




Group of Kaw Indians, about 1870. in full dress. Wa-mun-ka-wa-sha. with shield: Sha-ga- 
in-ka. with horns: Margaret Ma-hun-gah. with papoose, belle of the Kaws 



ferior gods or spirits everywhere — in the seasons, in light, in darkness, in 
heat and cold, over the rivers, plains, woods, hunting, war. etc. ; but they 
were all inferior to Wau-con-dah, the "Great Ghost of Heaven." 

Some thought that his home was in the sun. some in the moon. The sun- 
dance was originally a religious ceremony. Probably no tribe in the United 
States so close to the border of civilization was as little influenced by re- 
ligious and educational efforts. 

During the years they occupied the Council Grove reservation they jeal- 
ously preserved many of their ancient customs— their religion and supersti- 
tions, and it is sad to relate that their contact with their white brothers was 
more of a curse than a blessing. The early traveler who visited them one 
or two hundred years ago found a far better, healthier and happier people 
than the insignificant remnant of a once great tribe that was hustled off to 
the Indian Territory in 1873. During these later years of contact with the, 
whites the vices acquired far exceeded the benefits or virtues received. 
Teachers and agents might be ever so able and zealous for their welfare, 
but drunkenness and its kindred vices, which they learned from the mercen- 
ary white man and Greaser who cared nothing for them but the robes and 
pelts they traded, destroyed completely the influence of the missionary and 
teacher, and left the last estate of the tribe far more abject and deplorable 
than the first. 

THE CHEYENNE RAID. 

On the morning of June 2. 1868, there appeared on the hills west of 
Council Grove several hundred well-armed and mounted Cheyenne and 
Arapahoe warriors. Their coming, which had been heralded, was looked 



S6 Kansas State Historical Society. 

for with much apprehension -^ until it was known that they only desired to 
fight the Kaws, against whom they had a grudge of long standing, intensi- 
fied by a late encounter.'-'' The Kaws had gone the previous October to 
hunt on the Arkansas, and were overtaken by a party of Arapahoes, who, 
while feigning friendship, stole thirty-four Kaw ponies, leaving the latter 
tribe so unhorsed that they could not recover their property. While in this 
condition, near Fort Zarah in December, they were attacked by a party of 
Cheyennes, whom they charged, and after a spirited fight of four hours, 
drove them from the field, leaving fourteen Cheyennes killed and many 
others wounded, losing themselves but two killed and several wounded. 

The Cheyennes were led by their noted war-chief, Little Robe, and made 
-an imposing display as they filed through the old town of Council Grove on 
their way to battle. The scattering white settlers along the Neosho, Cot- 
tonwood, Diamond creek and other streams hastened to the various frontier 
towns and ranches, and organized provisional companies of rangers for gen- 
eral protection. The Indian battle, the last one this far east in Kansas, took 
place near the agency, a few miles southeast of town. The Kansa warriors, 
assisted by several experienced whites, secreted themselves along the banks 
of Big John creek above the agency, and following the advice of their white 
friends refused to engage in battle out in the open bottoms. A number of 
Kansa Indians had seen service in the Union army and had learned the ad- 
vantage of protected positions. The experience of the Kaws in the rebellion 
may have added to thtir prowess as fighters. Major Farnsworth, in 1864, 
reported that "nearly a full company of the young men are in the second 
year of their service in the Union army in the rebel states." 

This turn of affairs discomfited the Cheyennes, who had come prepared 
for fighting on horseback in plains fashion, and after several ineffectual 
charges and failures to dislodge' their enemies, they made a hasty retreat 

Note 28.— Senator Charles Curtis, one of the United States senators from Kansas, was at- 
tending school at the Kaw agency at the time of the Cheyenne raid, and made a record-breaking 
race on foot from Council Grove to North Topeka, the home of his parents. The following, re- 
garding this exploit, appeared in the Topeka Capital during his candidacy for the senate: 

" Thirty-five years ago." continued Senator Morehouse in a reminiscent vein, "a little North 
Topeka boy of about seven summers was making his home with some relatives at the old Kaw 
Indian agency adjoining Council Grove, in Morris county. He was a lad of fine features, some- 
what shy and reserved, and of delicate and diminutive physique. 

" It was the day before the roted Cheyenne raid, when the hordes of picked and paini;ed war- 
riors of that noted tribe suddenly appeared from the pathless plains and filed down into the 
beautiful Neosho valley and through the streets of Council Grove to fight their old enemies, the 
Kaws. The plainsman. David Lucas, had just arrived after a daring ride of forty-five miles 
across country from Marion with the startling tidings that Chief Little Robe and his braves were 
coming. Great excitement prevailed, and the few settlers scattered along the creeks, warned by 
the outriders and the clanging peals of the old bell swinging from its high tower on Belfry hill, 
hastily gathered at Council Grove, the nearest 'city of refuge.' 
*■ "A council of war was being held by the chief braves of the Kaws and a number of their 

white friends, who were going to help them in their defense against the Cheyennes. now ex- 
pected at any hour. This quiet little boy stood by. and, listening to the war talk of the elders 
and plans of defense, resolved that he would be the first to carry the news of the impending dan- 
ger across the country to his folks at Topeka. On foot and alone, with that fearlessness and in- 
■dependence characteristic of the coming man, he took a short cut over the hills and prairies in 
the direction of his native city. Guided by instinct and "night's candles." the shining stars, he 
covered the fifty miles in a space of time that would do credit to a horseman. He demonstrated 
running abilities that have never known defeat. 

"Years passed by. and that little boy worked up the ladder of success, round after round, 
with a pluck, energy and ability worthy of the highest praise and emulation. As newsboy, 
hack-driver, ofiice-boy, student, lawyer, county attorney, step by step he developed qualities of 
the highest character and the serene self-reliance that have given him a national reputation 
during the ten years he has so ably represented the interests of his native state in the halls of 
Congress. 

From the time of that exciting frontier episode to the present our people have watched 
the expanding career of their little friend, and our old soldiers, old settlers, young men, and 
•everybody — almost regardless of party — have taken pride in his success." 



Note 29.— Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 1868, p. 260. 



History of the Kansa or Kaw Indians. 37 

back to their home on the plains. On their way back they committed a 
number of depredations, such as kilHng stock and robbing houses. While 
this raid was exciting, none were killed on either side, and the number of 
wounded was very light. Fought under other conditions, in the open, with 
both forces on horseback, it would probably have been a bloody affair, with 
the chances against the Kansa ; for they never were as well mounted as the 
Cheyennes— the well-known "Bedouins of the plains." 

As long as the buffalo lasted the tribe sent annual hunting parties out 
to the buffalo country, and this going back and forth wore a well-defined 
trail. -^0 This trail, still visible in places, passed through the counties of 
Morris, Marion, McPheison, and into Rice county, where this tribe for a 
long time had been accustomed to establish their camp at the forks of Cow 
creek. This was right in the heart of the finest hunting country, and was 
a handy place to pitch their teepees, dry their meat, and cure their furs and 
robes. They went out in the fall and often stayed all winter, sending back, 
however, supplies of meat to those who had to stay at home. This finally 
became a well-worn road and was known as the Kaw trail. 

THE KANSA ADMITTED INTO THE NORTHWESTERN CONFEDERACY. 

The treaties under which the W>andot, Shawnee, Delaware, Pottawat- 
omie, Ottawa, Chippewa, Peoria and Miami Indians came to Kansas or the 
West provided that their lands should never come under the jurisdiction of 
any territory or state. When bills were introduced into Congress as early as 
1844, looking to the formation of Nebraska territory, ^i these emigrant tribes 
became much exercised, for they could see that their treaty rights were 
sooner or later to be violated. This led to a peaceful demonstration on their 
part— the reorganization of the northwestern confederacy of tribes and the 
calling of an Indian congress, which met near Fort Leavenworth in October, 
1848. This confederacy consisted of the above-named tribes, which had been 
in league for a hundred years in their eastern home. 

Two other tribes were admitted into this confederacy, the Kansa and 
Kickapoo. This was a prominent recognition of the Kansa, for all the other 
nine tribes forming this confederacy were emigrants from Eastern states, 
the Kansa Indians alone being natives. ■'^ 

In several ways the Kansa manifested enterprise in attempting to adapt 

Note 30.— For a full description of this Indian highway, and numerous customs of the tribe 
-while at Council Grove, see the author's article, "Along the Kaw Trail," in Kansas Historical 
Collections, vol. 8, p. 206. 

Note 31.— In 1835. Rev. Isaac McCoy, in his Annual Register of Indian Affairs, refers to the 
establishment of a government for the Indian Territory in these words: 

"Most of the tribes within the Territory have expressed a desire to become united in one 
civil compact, and be governed by laws similar to those of the United States. Should the United 
States provide for them a form of civil government, suited to their circumstances, a few among 
each of the emigrant tribes, and many among some of those tribes, would be found capable of 
filling responsible offices in the transaction of the affairs of their government." 

In the third number of the same publication, 1837, Mr. McCoy enlarges upon this theme, and 
copies from a report made by Horace Everett. May 20, 1834, on a bill for the establishment of a 
general government for the Indian Territory and its representation by a delegate at Washington. 
In April, 1837, Mr. McCoy, under instructions, selected a tract of land near the Ottawa mission 
fOr the seat of government of this anticipated territory, which was never organized. In the An- 
nual Register of 1835, page 3, is the following description of the bounds of the Indian Territory: 

"By the Indian Territory is meant the country within the following limits, viz.: Beginning 
on Red river, east of the Mexican boundary, and as far west of Arkansas territory as the coun- 
try is habitable : thence down Red river eastwardly to Arkansas territory ; thence northwardly 
along the line of Arkansas territory to the state of Missouri ; thence north along its western line 
to Missouri river ; thence up Missouri river to Puncah river ; thence westwardly as far as the 
country is habitable : thence southwardly to the beginning." 

Note 32. — W. E. Connelley, in Kansas Historical Collections, vol. 6, p. 99. 



38 Kansas State Historical Society. 

themselves to the advancing civilization of the whites, and it is a pity that 
they did not receive that degree of assistance from both state and church 
they would receive to-day could the scroll of history be turned back. Our 
present United States senator, Charles Curtis, has informed me that this 
tribe was the first to ask for a division of tribal funds and lands among in- 
dividual Indians, and that it prepared and presented a bill in Congress to 
that effect. 

THE KANSA NOT INCLINED TO AGRICULTURE. 

Some have unfairly criticised the Kansa Indians because they did not 
take to agriculture and adopt other ways of the whites as readily as some 
other tribes. In such matters we should not hastily draw conclusions, but 
remember that the Kansa had fewer opportunities and more hindrances 
than most tribes. 

Generally speaking, the squaws alone were the tillers of the soil, where 
any was tilled, and the bearers of all menial burdens. This was custom, 
handed down for ages, and was not considered any indignity heaped upon 
the women. They did not want the braves to work, never made complaints, 
and would scorn to object to their tasks. The duty of the braves was to 
hunt and to fight, and to consider those things which were for the general 
good of the tribe as a nation. According to their ideals of true Indian char- 
acter, servile duties about the camp or village, or any labor of the white 
man's kind, were to them degrading in the extreme. 

While this was not in harmony with the standards of the civilization the 
whites would thurst upon them, it was not improper from a wise economy in 
true Indian life. In a pure state of Indian society, where skill and prowess 
in hunting and on the war path were at the very foundation of success, and 
even of tribal existence itself, it was necessary that the braves be as free 
as possible from the small details and toils of camp life, that they might be- 
come proficient along those lines which brought strength and renown to their 
tribe. 

For years the Kansa, though few in numbers compared with the hostile 
tribes which beset them, maintained a proud standing as a nation of fight- 
ers. This could not be done with the braves following the cultivation of 
the fields. It was no idle excuse they once made for not devoting more time 
to agricultural pursuits, when they said they were afraid to work for fear 
the Pawnees would come upon them and kill them all off.-*^ 

At different times the government appointed a farmer to instruct them 
along lines of agriculture. The Indians called this official Wah-gos-see, the 
farmer. 

The first one appointed was Daniel Morgan Boone, son of the Kentucky 
pioneer, who opened a farm at the first Kaw agency in Jefferson county, in 
the fall of 1827, on the north bank of the Kansas, about seven miles north- 
west of Lawrence.''^ In 1835, when the tribe had become established in 
western Shawnee county, he cultivated two farms of 300 acres each in the 
Kansas valley, one of which was on north side of the river, about fifteen miles 
above Topeka, and the other near the Mission creek villages. John T. Peery 
was farmer during the years 1845-'46. At Council Grove some 300 acres of 
the richest Neosho valley bottom-land was prepared and some little success 

Note 33.— Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Report, 1842, p. 63. 

Note 34.— Kansas Historical Collections, vol. 9, p. 195. A full description of the agency and 
farm are here given. 



History of the Kansa or Kaw Indians. 39 

made in raising corn ; but very few of the braves would consent to work 
steadily in the fields, it being the work of the squaws. In 1863 T. S. Huf- 
faker was the official farmer. 

After the tribe moved to Oklahoma, in 1873, greater progress along the 
line of farming and stock-raising was made, and a number of them have 
done fairly well. 

The following report of the farmer is worthy of notice, among other 
items stating that over eighty braves had enlisted in the United States army 

during that year : 

•'Kansas Agency, September 15, 1863. 
"Sir— I submit this as my report for the past year as farmer for the 
Kansas Indians. The Indians are still laboring under the same disadvantages 
mentioned in my last annual report, the same insufficient number of oxen, 
plows and other agricultural implements; but they have, notwithstanding 
these difficulties, been able to plant more than 300 acres of ground, from 
which they will gather some eight or nine thousand bushels of corn They 
have devoted most of their time to the raising of corn, being better ac- 
quainted with the culture of corn than of other products. Many families 
have been unable to cultivate their farms as they should, owing to the fact 
that many of their able-bodied men have gone into the army, of whom more 
than eighty have enlisted in the United States service during the last year. 
The Indians are well pleased with their new mode of life, and say they do 
not desire to exchange their present mode for the former. They, to com- 
mence another year favorably, should be furnished with an additional num- 
ber of oxen, plows, etc., say twice the number they now have 

T. S. HUFFAKER. 
Farmer for Kansas Indiana." 

NEGLECT OF THE KANSA IN EDUCATIONAL AND RELIGIOUS HELP. 

One of the most pitiful failures of the whites in the educational and re- 
ligious betterment of an Indian tribe is to be found in the illy directed efforts 
followed with the Kansa nation. It was so marked and far-reaching in its 
influences that I would not feel like leaving this subject without calling at- 
tention to it. 

If the same wise and persistent energy had been used with this tribe by 
the United States and by church organizations as was used with the Osages, 
the result would have been far different. The United States commenced to 
take an interest in both these tribes about the same time, and began to treat 
with them regarding their lands, etc., but in some way the poor Kansa were 
cheated at every turn in the road; robbed of their richest lands without just 
recompense, and at last became beggars, when they should have been as 
wealthy as the Osage. 

In 1825, the Kansa were induced to sell their right to about one-half of 
the richest part of the great state of Kansas for a mere pittance, that a lot 
of immigrant tribes might be provided with homes. -^^ They surrendered 
their happy home and far-reaching hunting-grounds, the region occupiea by 
their tribe for ages and which supplied all their wants, were driven from 
one diminished reserve to another, till they had to depend entirely upon the 
charity of Uncle Sam for daily sustenance, and at last accept as a refuge an 
inferior corner of the Osage lands in Oklahoma. 

The government, after taking away its mighty domain, made only spas- 
modic efforts toward civilizing the tribe. From the date of the St. Louis 
treaty of June 3, 1825, when the tribe was despoiled of an empire, down to 

Note 35. — Miss Abel's "Indian Reservations in Kansas, " in Kansas Historical Collections, vol. 

S, pp. 75, 76, 98. 



40 



Kansas State HistoricaZ Society. 





Wa-mun-ka-wa-sha. a brave. 



Ma-ja-ho-ja, an Indian boy, about 1870. 



its removal to the Indian Territory in 1873, nearly half a century, not to ex- 
ceed a total of twelve years of educational advantages w^as provided for 
them, and that of a very ordinary and half-hearted character. 

At Mission creek, Shawnee county, Rev. J. T. Peery kept a few Indian 
children at the mission house and taught them one year. Prior to this, a 
few Kansa children attended the manual-labor school at Shawnee Mission, 
in Johnson county. In 1847 the tribe was removed to their diminished reserve 
at Council Grove. Four years passed and nothing was done for them in an 
educational way. In 1851 the Kaw Indian mission school was started, but 
ran for only four years, closing in 1854. 

Nineteen years elapsed from the close of this school to the removal of 
the tribe to the Territory, and yet, during this long period, not a thing was 
done for the tribe in a religious way, and in education only eight years, at 
most, when there was school at the agency near Council Grove, supported 
by the government and conducted by the Quakers. The tribe lived at Coun- 
cil Grove about twenty-five years in all, and during that time for only about 
twelve years was there any school opened for the training of their children, 
and that of such limited character that it reached but few. 

But what seems strangest, during that entire quarter of a century no 
resident missionary or priest of the Gospel was maintained by the govern- 
ment or any church denomination to live with and labor for this tribe. In 
all this time, the only thing of an uplifting character was the mission and 
the Quaker school referred to, and it must be remembered that these were 
educational efforts and not religious. 

During this period Council Grove grew to be a smart business town and. 
one of the early centers of Kansas civilization, noted for its good schools, 
good society and good churches, but nothing of a religious character was 



History of the Kansa or Kaiv Indians. 41 

undertaken with this tribe. Two branches of the Methodist church were 
organized, besides Presbyterian, Congregational and other churches, all for 
the whites. These took an active interest in the heathen on the other side 
of the world, and collections for the support of missions among them, but 
nothing was done to carry the religion of the Cross to these benighted 
wards at our very doors. 

It was not only a blunder on the part of the government, but it was 
criminal after cheating them out of their Kansas valley homes to remove 
them to Council Grove. Here they were placed near a trading center on 
the Santa Fe trail, where their contact with piejene (fire-water), the whisky 
of the whites, and other vices, proved far more injurious than any knowl- 
edge of civilization received could overcome. Here they were totally neg- 
lected in a religious way, and only experiments of a brief and ineffectual 
nature undertaken for their education. 

Some have been inclmed to make critical comparisons between the Kansa 
and Osage Indian tribes, and tried to explain the differences between them 
on the unfair assumption that these two tribes were of different types, dif- 
ferent capacities, different languages. This is all erroneous and very un- 
fair; the only difference to the credit of the Osages has been brought about 
because they were treated in a better manner by both state and church. 

In language, there is no greater difference than exists between Northern 
and Southern state dialects. Originally they were the same people, and 
when the government first assumed to shape their future they were of the 
same class of Indians— having the same customs, habits and attire, and were 
the same physically, mentally and morally. No, the difference came from 
the neglect of one tribe and favoritism for the other. 

Is it any wonder that their Osage brothers, who were always the recipi- 
ents of patient and persistent educational and religious attention by devoted 
missionaries of the Catholic church, far outstripped the Kansa Indians in 
wealth, energy, business capacity in preserving their rights, and advanced 
further along educational and religious lines? 

The Kansa, neglected by state and church, fell before an unfair contest 
with the white man's civilization, while the Osages, who since 1827 have 
been the favored ones in busmess bargains with the government, and the 
special charge of a devoted and continued missionary effort on the part of 
such devoted teachers as Fathers Charles Van Quickenborne, Shoenmakers, 
Ponziglione, Mother Superior Bridget Hayden, and others, are now among 
the most prosperous of western tribes. 

What a different tale to relate regarding the Kansa had they been treated 
honestly, their imperial home ground from Manhattan to Topeka and east- 
ward been preserved for their use, and had they been given the same wise 
and continuous educational and moral advantages as were given the Osages. 
Instead of being the sorry remnant, destined to obliteration, they might 
have been filling the same important part in Kansas affairs now occupied by 
the Osages in Oklahoma. 

No one should point the finger of scorn at the Kansa Indians and make 
unfair comparisons without considering these facts. 



42 Kansas State Historical Society. 

THE KANSA LANGUAGE NEVER REDUCED TO WRITING. 

While there have been numerous publications in the Siouan tongue, cov- 
ering as wide a scope as in any other linguistic group of North-American 
Indians, it is strange that nothing of consequence was ever attempted in the 
Kansa dialect. Other tribes of the Siouan family, such as the Omaha, 
Ponka, Iowa, Oto, Missouri and Osage, have had many school-bouks published, 
and several of them have had prayer-books and portions of the Bible printed 
in their dialects. If anything of this kind was ever done for the Kansa na- 
tion, it is not now to be found. When we realize the fact that while ex- 
tensive scholastic and religious efforts were made among most other tribes 
the Kansa Indians were often entirely neglected for periods of from ten to 
twenty-five years, it is no wonder that they made such slow progress along 
these lines. Apparently the Kansa language was never reduced to an exact 
system of writing; that tribe had but little, if any, help from text-books, 
dictionaries, parts of the Bible, etc., as did the other tribes, and so very little 
has ever been done to preserve the features of the language of this once im- 
portant nation, the early history of which is so interesting and important as 
a part of the annals of our state. While it has been generally understood 
that nothing was ever printed in this language, and the writer has always 
been so informed by old members of the tribe, their later agents and teach- 
ers, and the government authorities at Washington, I was very much sur- 
prised to run across recently the evidence that a small book was once printed 
in the Kansa language, although, as yet, a copy has not been found for 
placing in the collections of the Historical Society. The clew to the fact 
that there was such a publication was a mere mention on page 567 of McCoy's 
History of Baptist Indian Missions, 1840. Among the books given as being 
printed on the Meeker press at the Shawnee Baptist mission, it states: "In 
Osage, one; in Kauzau, one for the Methodists." 

Afterward I found, in the Baptist Missionary Magazine of June, 1839, 
in a report of the work of their mission printing-press at " Shawanoe, Ind. 
Territory (Shawnee Mission, Johnson county), considerable mention of this 
lost Kansa book. Report for 1839: 

"The following works have been printed at the Shawanoe press, exclu- 
sive of the shawanoe Sun, in addition to those printed last year: 

"Harmony in Delaware 80pp. Addit., 16mo., 40,000 

" Hymns in Delaware 48pp. " 24mo., 19,200 

"*Kauzas Book in Kanzas 24pp. " 12mo., 7,200" 

Another mention is made of the Kansa book in the report of 1840, viz. : 

"Mr. Pratt had printed, besides completing the Delaware harmony and 
hymn book, a continuation of Matthew in Shawanoe, 32 pp., 16mci. ; 500 copies 
the Epistle of John in Delaware; for the Methodist mission, 32pp., 12mo., 
500 copies and 600 sheet tracts. 

"The amount of printing executed from February, 1838, to November, 
1839, (exclusive of the Shawanoe Sun, in Shawanoe,) in Shawanoe, Dela- 
ware, and Kauzas, was 2500 copies, or 58,600 8vo. pp." 

James C. Pilling, in his Bibliography of the Algonquian Languages, lists 
the books issued from the Meeker press, and says, "In the Kansas (Kan- 
zan) or Kaw language, one book was printed for Rev. William Johnson, the 
Methodist missionary, probably in 1836 or 1837." It was probably printed 
for the use of William Johnson, who at that time was missionary to the 

" * For the Methodist Episcopal Mission. The Indians manifest an increasing interest in the 
operations of the press." 



History of the Kansa or Kaw Indians. 4a 

tribe; whether it was ever used or not is not known. As will be seen by 
reference to note 8, page 102 of this volume, such books were short-lived. 
From the above account of the book, it appears that an edition of only 300 
copies of a 24-page book was printed, or 7200 pages in all. 36 

Rev. Wm. Johnson, who was with the tribe for seven years, never had a 
competent interpreter, and was thus much hindered in reaching the tribe 
through their own language, although before his death, in 1842, he became 
proficient in it. It is said that on his death-bed he advised against a further 
attempt to teach them through their own language, as he considered that it 
was deficient in words to properly present religious truth, and to try to teach 
by sign language was unsatisfactory. His idea was that they should first be 
taught the English language and instructed through that. Notwithstanding 
this gloomy view which Mr. Johnson took regarding the Kansa language, it 
must be remembered that our good Catholic brothers, under Fathers Van 
Quickenborne, Shoenmaker, Ponziglione, Mother Bridget Haydenand others, 
made considerable success along scholastic and religious lines in the use of 
the native tongue of the Osages during their forty years' steady labor with 

Note 36.-The following statements regarding this matter have been received from Rev 
Joabbpencer sole survivmg missionary to the Shawnees. and from Judge T. S. Huffaker who 
was a teacher to the Kansa Indians and lived with them in various official capacities from 1850 to 
187d. Both of these parties were well acquainted with missionaries and those working with the 
Kansa tribe prior to their time. 
"Geo. P. Morehouse, Topeka. Kan. : "Slater, Mo., July 16, 1907. 

y^r^C^^ °^^'*.?''V7-^°"'' letter received. The publication you mention was only a small text- 
„ o ivi "w '" T u M'ssion school, as I understand. I was well acquainted with Mrs. Peery. who 
was Mrs. Wm. Johnson, and had charge of the school for the seven years they were in control of 
the Kansas mission, then located west of Topeka. Mr. Johnson had no competent interpreter I 
am sure, at any time. In fact, his wife became interpreter for the mission, and also on different 
hf^^f,'.°I!! %i^ f government. You can rest assured that there never was a publication in their 
language. That printing office was a small affair. When I was with the Shawnees I found a 
^ew,copies of the Shawnee New Testament printed by the Baptist brothers. 

K 1 u°\ u J u°" *°'°- ^^ ]\ ^^^ ^ ^°°^ translation. The Shawnees were using a small hymn- 
book which had been printed by the Baptists. I think, but translated by our missionaries. I have 
wf/i,? . rf/i°'"u """■ J "f^.** '\ '" ?'• '"y services. Our missionaries to the Delawares also 
brought out a little hymn-book in that language. Rev. Mr. Meeker had charge of the printing 
business Some time ago I had one of our pastors call on a daughter of Reverend Meeker in 
W^T li< '^ for the purpose of obtaining anything that had been printed by her father, but she 
had nothing. The Johnsons have nothing, and Miss Gore (granddaughter of Blue Jacket, Shaw- 
nee chief,) made a search among the Shawnees in the Indian Territory, but found nothing but 
one hymn-book, the one I now have. As I am not well, you will excuse my rough letter. 

Yours cordially, JoAB Spencer." 

Judge Huffaker, who was visiting in Oklahoma, wrote as follows: 
"Geo. P. Morehouse, Topeka, Kan.: "Fairfax, Okla., July 20, 1907. 

A= Z^^^^ George:- Yours of the 12th instant received, and unanswered on account of sickness 
w^.,o tne publication of a book in the Kaw or Kansas language by the Methodist Publishing 
Wouse, I firmly believe to be without any foundation in fact. William Johnson was among them 
lor seven years, learned their language thoroughly, and attempted to translate a religious song- 
intending to translate the New Testament if practicable. When I took charge of the United 
btates government schoo in 1849. at the old manual-labor school, now in Johnson county, Kansas 
iT<f M ''^W 7v'^''° *?"'^'^ *^® ^""^ fluently, and she often spoke of their effort (formerly she 
r^^^rlu \ *r- Jol^nfon) to write the Kaw language, and stated that she and her husband de- 
cided that the twenty-six letters of the English alphabet could not spell the words of that lan- 
guage and that they would have to use characters to represent words, and so they gave up the 
Idea of translating the religious songs. 

"They probably did print a small amount of matter to test it. I have no thought that there 
exists now or ever did exist any more than some manuscripts of this kind. Should there be any- 
thing of this kind in existence at present, it might be found in the Chick families of Kansas City 
Truly yours, Thomas S. Huffaker." 

The chief of the Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, wrote as follows: 

■•t^„.„o t 1, , . "Washington, D. C. April 27. 1907. 

u- vTiij^ ?'7? rf? leave to say that the question of the book in the Kauzau language to 
Which McCoy in his History of Baptist Indian Missions alludes, has been looked into carefully 
but no trace of it has been found. It is not unlikely that a small religious work in the Kansa 
lan^age was published at the Shawnee Mission, and that, having a purely local circulation, it did 
not hnd its way into eastern libraries at that time, but was practically consumed through use by 
the Indians. No such book is noted by Pilling, who is eminent for his completeness. Neverthe- 
less 1 have instituted further search, and if any light can be thrown on the matter I shall be 
glad to inform you. Yours very truly, F. W. Hodge, Acting Chief." 



44 Kansas State Historical Society. 

that tribe. The language of these two tribes was really the same— only a 
slight difference in dialect. 

Probably the efforts with the Kansa in their language would have been 
more successful had the good work of Missionary Johnson been subsequently 
continued and supported with the same zeal and patience used with the 
Osages and other tribes. 

The Kansa language never had a fair test and should not be condemned 
along with the tribe as incapable of helping it to a higher state of civiliza- 
tion. It has always been the fashion for writers to belittle the character of 
this tribe and its language, and make unfair comparisons with other tribes 
whose advantages were far better, and whose language had been used ex- 
tensively in various publications. 

THE KANSA LANGUAGE. 

While I have secured considerable material concerning the Kansa lan- 
guage, I will only make a few general observations in this paper on the 
subject. 

There are some sixty different Indian languages in North America north 
of Mexico, which are as different from each other as French and German. 
These languages are divided into some eight hundred dialects. ^^ of the 
sixty distinct languages, five-sixths of them were found west of the Rocky 
Mountains, covering only one-tenth of the territory, while the others belonged 
to the tribes spread over the larger area of nine-tenths of North America 
east of the Rockies. Among the latter are found the great Siouan family, 
composed of sixty-eight tribes, of which Kansa is a member. 

Five of these Siouan tribes form a group, speaking really the same lan- 
guage in four dialects: (1) Ponka and Omaha, known as Ponca, (2) Kansa, 
(3) Osage, and (4) Kwapa. 



NOTE. 

The present reservation of the tribe in Oklahoma consists of over one 
hundred thousand acres. It was set aside for their use in 1872, having been 
purchased from the Osage nation soon after it had been bought from the 
Cherokees by the Osages. It cost seventy cents per acre. The land is all 
in use for farming or grazing purposes and brings in considerable revenue. 
The general condition of the tribe has improved for some years past, and 
much enterprise was manifested in arranging the allotment of this reserva- 
tion among the individual members of the tribe. 

On July 1st, 1902, the last treaty agreement and memorial to Congress 
was ratified. It was a formal agreement among themselves for the division 
of the tribal lands and funds, and a general closing up of the business mat- 
ters of the nation with the United States. Under this agreement there was 
set aside for each member a homestead of 160 acres, inalienable and non- 
taxable for twenty-five years. In addition to this homestead, each member 
of the tribe receives about 300 acres which cannot be sold or encumbered for 
a period of ten years. The division of the tribal funds gave each member 
about one thousand dollars, to be paid in ten instalments. This treaty also 
provided for an Indian boarding-school at the expense of the government. 

In this treaty the tribe was ably represented by the following noted 
members of the tribe: Wah-shun-gah, the chief; Wahmoh-o-e-ke, Forest 
Chouteau, Mitchel Fronkier, William Hardy, Achan Pappan, and "General" 
W. E. Hardy. Achan Pappan was the interpreter and General Hardy the 
secretary of the tribe, positions they have held for many years. 



PADILLA AND THE OLD MONUMENT NEAR 
COUNCIL GROVE. 

Written for the Kansas State Historical Society by George P. Morehouse, Topeka. 

IN approaching the quaint old town of Council Grove, whether overland or 
by rail, the traveler is almost sure to notice and inquire about a strange 
pointed monument crowning the summit of a prominent hill near by. 

From certain directions it can be seen for several miles, for the top of 
the hill is several hundred feet above the lower bottom-lands of the Neosho 
valley. If we take the trouble to climb to the top, we are richly repaid; for 
we behold a magnificent scene of hill and valley, timber and prairie land- 
scape, and realize that one of the most picturesque of Kansas views is spread 
out before us. We can range our vision for twenty miles or more up and 
down the valley; and toward the west the higher levels of the uplands— 
"Stretch in airy undulations far away." 

Below us the darker shades of heavy timber line make a winding trail of 
green along the river valley, and the good old town of "The Grove" is 

snugly tucked away in the shelter of 
that famous body of timber that gave 
its name. By consulting a map we 
find that we are standing near the 
northeast corner of the southeast quar- 
ter of section 22, township 16, range 8 
east, on the top of Mount Padilla. 

Yes, here is the monument, rough, 
ancient, though symmetrical, which 
probably marks the sacred resting- 
place of America's first Christian mar- 
tyr. Father Fray Juan de Padilla. In 
the year 1542, near this place, this pio- 
neer missionary of the Cross gave his 
life at the hands of those he had 
come to serve and save. 

The monument is about ten feet 
high, and is made of rough, uncut 
limestone. The base is about six feet 
square, composed of large stones, 
while the column is of smaller ones 
and gradually tapers to the top. 

Formerly near the monument was 
a large pile of smaller stones of all 
kinds, colors and shapes, which had evidently been brought from a distance 
and reverently deposited as an offering or tribute to some noted personage 
or revered character. To one accustomed to primitive shrines and me- 
morials it is evident that long, long ago, these simple offerings were brought 
to that which was regarded as a most sacred spot. Various causes in mod- 

(45) 




The Padilla Monument. 



46 Kansas State Historical Society. 

em times have robbed this stone offertory and scattered its fragments. 
Unfortunately, many stones, great and small, have been carted away some 
of which had inscriptions of odd letters and hieroglyphics, the mystic sym- 
bols of the past. This custom was once followed by modern visitors, who 
have at times left their initials, but the ancient ones are gone. Located on 
the summit of this high elevation, its neat outlines projected against the 
sky, no matter from which direction approached, this crude shaft presents 
an imposing appearance. 

Not far from the foot of the mount the clear waters of a never- failing 
spring start from the head of a winding ravine, forming a small rivulet. At 
certain seasons of the year the stream below the spring is hid beneath a 
thick mesh and luxurious growth of savory watercress, which is kept fresh, 
cool and green by the running waters. No one visits this spot without a de- 
sire to return and again experience the magic spell of the delightful scenery 
and sacred associations of this historic spot. 

Notwithstanding its exposed position, this monument has withstood the 
grinding wear of time and the storms of centuries. In nature's effort of ob- 
literation the elements have beaten relentlessly but hopelessly against it, and 
only vandal hands have at intervals desecrated its interesting features. At 
times a part of the top has been disturbed, but only to be replaced by kindly 
hands, that its original proportions might be preserved as they were when 
it was first viewed by the earliest traveler through that region. 

There it stands— stands, like some lone sentinel of the ages— connecting 
the misty past with the living present, and is probably one of the oldest of 
American landmarks. 

Who was this early Christian martyr, this herald of the Cross, who offered 
up his life, away out here in the interior of the continent, nearly two hun- 
dred years before our Pilgrim Fathers, as a— 

I "Band of exiles moored their bark 

' On the wild New England shore" ? 

From whence came this heroic saint, and what are the known circum- 
stances of his venturing, in that early day, so far from civilization, to labor 
in his Master's cause? 

Father Fray Juan de Padilla was a native of Andalusia, Spain. He was 
young and vigorous when he joined Coronado's expedition. His talents were 
of a high order, and he had occupied several important positions in Old 
Mexico. At one time he was guardian of a convent in Jalisco. He occupied 
this station when he became a missionary to the Indians in the far unknown 
North, the "terra incognita" of that day. This change caused much per- 
sonal sacrifice on his part, for it involved giving up high positions in the 
church and turning his back on influential ecclesiastical offices and subject- 
ing himself to hardship and death among the ignorant savages he longed to 
save. In faith he looked far beyond, to a time when the aborigines of the 
great American desert would become educated and converted to the reli- 
gion he humbly taught. He was one of the four Franciscans who accom- 
panied Coronado in his attempt to colonize New Mexico in 1540. The other 
three either returned to civilization or remained with tribes of Indians in 
New Mexico who were fairly friendly to their labors. While Fray Padilla 
was kind and gentle in his demeanor, yet he was full of energy, and punished 
all moral evil-doers who tried to make things unpleasant in Coronado's camp. 



Padilla and the Old Monument. 47 

An iron constitution and impetuous soul greatly assisted him in stamping his 
influence upon all around him. At first he labored among the Moqui Pueblos, 
and they seem to have received him gladly. It seems that he also went among 
the Zunis, but rounded up at the winter quarters of Coronado, on the Rio 
Grande river, where the army rested before continuing the historic journey 
to the fabled Quivira. 

It seems that the incentive to this adventurous expedition was furnished 
by the reports of Cabeza de Vaca and his companions, the survivors of 
the ill fated Narvaez expedition. At Pecos Coronado became interested 
in certain stories of a captive Indian prisoner held as a slave who 
claimed that he was born on the far eastern border of the great plains. The 
Spaniards called this odd individual the Turk. This was on account of the 
method of dressing his head and hair, it being closely shaven, except a 
small tuft of hair left growing on the top of his head. In other words he 
had left his scalp-lock, after the manner of the Osage, Kansas and two or 
three other tribes, who dressed their hair in that manner. He probably 
belonged to one of those tribes. He represented to the Spaniards that far 
away in the east there was a rich country called Quivira. He told them 
that this people was rich in gold, silver and other precious metals, and had 
other elements of wealth. His representations made an impression upon 
the minds of the Spaniards, who believed all he said. It is now considered 
that the Turk, after he had observed that they placed reliance upon his 
statements, connived with the Pueblo Indians in a scheme to get rid of the 
Spaniards, by sending them far into the desert, where they would perish. 
The Turk was also planning for an opportunity to return to his tribe The 
Spaniards believed his statements and expected to find a rich and wealthy 
country with cities and great stores of precious metals, and a class of half- 
civilized people. They had found the Mexicans using gold for ornaments 
and also knew of the reports of wealth from Peru. When the Turk pointed 
to gold, which he seemed to recognize as valuable, they thought that he 
was truthful; but he might have been mistaken, not knowing the difference 
between crude gold and copper and pyrites of iron— the latter frequently 
giving a valuable appearance to rocks. When the Pueblos observed their 
unwelcome guests departing they probably induced the Turk to misguide 
and lead them, if possible, to destruction. The expedition started out early 
in 1541 [on the 3d of May.] It is not the purpose of this paper to give an 
extended account of Coronado's expedition, except in so far as it is neces- 
sary to set forth the movements of the famous missionary Padilla. Coro- 
nado met with little opposition as he journeyed eastward. 

Somewhere in the western or southern great plains he left the main body 
of his men, and with thirty horsemen went northward in search of Quivira, 
reaching the Kansas plains in the later days of June. Of course, to the 
Spanish, the expedition was a great disappointment. However, with what 
a limited vision did those historic gold-seekers view things? They little 
knew that the region they then passed over, although it might have looked 
like a great desert, was in many ways the garden spot of the Wesr,. They 
traversed what is now the richest portion of Oklahoma and the great wheat 
belt of Kansas, where, although precious metals form a small part of the 
wealth, yet the aggregate value of the millions of bushels of golden grain 
annually produced far outstrips the gold and silver productions of any state 
or country and the wildest dreams of Spanish avarice. It may be interest- 



48 Kansas State Historical Society. 

ing to gather and work out from the full reports just where Quivira was 
located. Several educated men were with Coronado and published accounts 
of their movements and all that they observed. These accounts are not 
only interesting in showing the condition and products of the country at the 
time, but are historically important, as they set forth things so minutely 
that the location of Quivira has been reduced to a certainty. 

Padilla went with Coronado on his farthest wanderings to Quivira, and 
back to the Spanish settlement. The year following, 1542, he returned to 
Quivira to continue in the missionary work he had commenced. On these 
trips he always walked. On his last trip, after he had labored among the 
strange people for some time, he met his death, and thus became not only 
the first missionary of the Cross in the great Mississippi valley, but the first 
Christian martyr in what is now the United States of America. The fact 
of his work and his death in this then far-away wilderness is undisputed; 
but there may be some question as to just where he was killed and the exact 
location of his grave. After one studies all the different accounts of the 
Coronado expedition to Quivira and what is known of Fray Padilla's subse- 
quent return to labor among that people, and his tragic death, it is easy to 
mark the borders of that country, and also substantially prove that he met 
his death near Council Grove, and that the before-mentioned memorial stone 
or monument on Mount Padilla probably marks his grave. The writer realizes 
that another place (Herington, Kan.) is claimed to be in the neighborhood 
of his last resting-place, and that his memory has been honored with a monu- 
ment there. This is well, but they bring forth no proof of the claim. 

Coronado, considering his expedition a failure, after resting for a time on 
the banks of the Rio Grande, left for Old Mexico; but Fray Juan Padilla 
and Fray Luis remained at the river with Andres Docampo, a Portuguese 
soldier, two Donados, named Lucas and Sebastian, and some Mexican Indian 
boys. (Padilla's zeal and courageous temperament urged him to return 
again across the waste of distance to the far-away Quivira. It was no con- 
cern to him that that country and its people did not possess the elements of 
wealth to satisfy the avaricious dreams of the Spaniards. These simple, 
primitive heathen had souls to save, and he remembered them and longed to 
return and establish the religion of the Cross in their midst— but what an 
undertaking it was for a lone priest and his three companions ! Some time 
during the fall of 1542 he prepared for the journey of over 1000 miles, and 
taking with him the needed effects for saying mass, in company with his 
three companions, he set out on this unique trip. They were probably guided 
back to Quivira by some Indians who had accompanied Coronado the year 
before. Their course was more direct than Coronado's first route. They 
started from Bernalillo, on the river above the present Albuquerque, and 
passed through Pecos and to the northeast, probably entering our state near 
the southwest corner and proceeding on to the land of the Quiviras. They 
reached their destination in safety, and were well received by the Indian 
tribe they had visited the year before. Coronado had erected a cross at one 
of the villages, which is supposed to have been in the Smoky Hill valley, 
somewhere near where Junction City now stands. Padilla, from this start- 
ing-point, began his labors, and seems to have had great success and influence 
among those primitive people ^However, after a time he decided to depart 
and work among some other tribes, or at least to visit them temporarily. 
This has always been considered an imprudent act on his part and came from 



Padilla and the Old Monument. 49 

his not being skilled in the suspicious and jealous nature of the Indian. It 
has been said that "A missionary who has been well treated by one tribe 
always makes a mistake and is regarded with suspicion when he goes to 
another." The Indian nature regards the missionary who attains influence 
over them with great reverence, really superstition, and believes him to be 
a great Medicine man, and whatever good he brings departs when he leaves 
them. 

Castenada says: "A friar named Juan de Padilla remained in this prov- 
ince, together with a Spanish-Portuguese and a negro and a half-blood and 
some Indians from the province of Capothan [Capetlan], in New Spain. 
They killed the friar because he wanted to go to the province of the Guas, 
who were their enemies. The Spaniard escaped by taking flight on a mare, 
and afterwards reached New Spain, coming out by way of Panuco. The 
Indians from New Spain who accompanied the friar were allowed by the 
murderers to bury him, and then they followed the Spaniard and overtook 
him. This Spaniard was a Portuguese named Campo. " • 

It seems from other accounts that after leaving the Quivirans to labor 
among other tribes, and after more than one day's journey, Padilla met 
evil-disposed Indians of the nation he was leaving. They had probably fol- 
lowed him for a double purpose: First, they were jealous because he was 
going to other tribes who were enemies of the Quivirans; and, second, the 
curious ornaments and belongings Padilla had with him excited their cupidity. 
They desired to possess them, believing they had mysterious powers (good 
medicine), and they disliked all of this to be transferred to their enemies. 

It is fairly well established that the center of Quivira was near the pres- 
ent site of Junction City or Enterprise. More than one day's journey would 
bring Padilla as far as Council Grove, about thirty-flve miles distant. 

The enemies of the Quivirans (Pawnees) in those days were the Escan- 
saques (Kansa), according to the account of Ohate, who met them during 
his expedition to Quivira in 1601. He says they were hereditary enemies. 

The Kansa lived to the southeastward of Quivira, and Padilla would 
naturally leave the valley along which that nation lived and could easily 
reach the headwaters of the Neosho, and that valley would present a plain 
route upon which to travel. Doubtless he was on his way to the early an-' 
cestors of the Kansa nation when he was killed. But— strange circumstance— 
when followed and killed by the jealous Quivirans, he had reached a spot 
which afterwards became the long-occupied home of the very tribe he was 
trying to reach, the Kansa. 

May it not be that this is the reason this tribe always regarded this spot, 
his grave monument, as sacred to the memory of some great white medicine 
man, "Nic-kah-ma-kah-tan-gah-skah "; that in some way they knew of his 
mission; that he had been cruelly slain by their enemies, the Quivirans 
(Pawnees), while on his way to scatter the blessings of his saintly life along 
the pathway of the Kanza nation? 

But it was not to be, and the good father never lived to see the faces of 
that nation he was seeking to serve and save. 

While there are different versions of just how Padilla met his death, I 
think that the weight of authority shows that he was killed by the Quivi- 
rans, although they might have tried to make it appear that their enemies 
killed him. It is said that when he saw the evil intentions of his murderers 

Note 1. — Fourteenth Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, p. 529. 



50 Kansas State Histoncdl Society. 

he urged his companions to escape, while he serenely faced the charging 
savages, and met his death in the attitude of prayer. One of the accounts 
speaks of his body being covered with a pile of "innumerable stones. " This 
surely corresponds with the place near Council Grove, and these "innumer- 
able rocks" were finally formed into this crude but picturesque monument. 
After much inquiry and search during many years past, I know of no arti- 
ficial pile of stone in the state as large as this one, which dates back of the 
memory of man and is known to have been in existence long before white 
men or Indians of modern times visited or occupied this part of Kansas. To 
even the casual observer it appears to be an ancient memorial of some kind, 
an old sacred spot, with an almost hidden history. It has been understood 
that he was killed near some springs. Near the foot of this mount, in the 
ravine near by, are the well-known Watercress springs above described. 

The following is a fragmentary account of this missionary expedition of 
Father Padilla as told by the writer, Moto Padilla.* 

"He reached Quivira and prostrated himself at the foot of the cross, 
which he found in the same place where he had set it up ; and all around it 
clean, as he had charged them to keep it, which rejoiced him, and then he 
began the duties of a teacher and apostle of that people ; and finding them 
teachable and well disposed, his heart burned within him, and it seemed to 
him that the number of souls of that village was but a small offering to 
God, and he sought to enlarge the bosom of our mother, the Holy Church, 
that she might receive all those he was told were to be found at greater 
distances. He left Quivira, attended by a small company, against the will 
of the village Indians, who loved him as their father. 

"At more than a day's journey the Indians met him on the warpath, and 
knowing the evil intent of those barbarians, he asked the Portuguese that as 
he was on horseback he should flee and take under his protection the oblates 
and the lads who could thus run away and escape. . . . And the blessed 
father, kneeling down, offered up his life, which he had sacrificed for the 
winning of souls to God, attaining the ardent longings of his soul, the 
felicity of being killed by the arrows of those barbarous Indians, who threw 
him into a pit, covering his body with innumerable stones. . . . It is 
said that the Indians had gone out to murder the blessed father in order to 
steal the ornaments, and it was remembered that at his death were seen 
great prodigies, as it were the earth flooded, globes of fire, comets and ob- 
scuration of the sun." 

General Davis in his Conquest of New Mexico, page 231, gives the follow- 
ing translation from an old Spanish manuscript at Santa Fe : 

"When Coronado returned to Mexico he left behind, among the Indians 
of Cibola, the father fray i^'rancisco Juan de Padilla, the father fray Juan 
de la Cruz, and a Portuguese named Andres del Campo. Soon after the Span- 
iards departed. Padilla and the Portuguese set off in search of the country 
of the Grand Quivira, where the former understood there were innumerable 
souls to be saved. After traveling many days they reached a large settle- 
ment in the Qi'ivira country. The Indians came out to receive them in battle 
array, when the friar, knowing their intentions, told the Portuguese and his 
attendants to take to flight, while he would await their coming, in order 
that they might vent their fury on him as they ran. The former took flight, 
and placmg themselves on a height within view, saw what happened to the 
friar. Padilla awaited their coming upon his knees, and when they arrived 
where he was, they immediately put him to death. . . . The Portuguese 
and his attendants made their escape, and ultimately arrived safely in Mex- 
ico, where he told what had occurred." 

The Portuguese and the boys wandered for years before reaching the Span 

* Mota Padilla, cap. XXXIII. sees. 8, 9 and 10, p. 167, quoted by Winship in Fourteenth An- 
nual Report, Bureau Ethnology, pp. 535-536. 



D 1.4B. ^'^ 



Padilla and the Old Monument. 51 

ish settlements, and it is unfortunate that more is not known of their history. 
They must have returned prior to 1552, as their arrival at Tampico on the 
Gulf is mentioned by Gomara in his Conquest of Mexico published that 
year. 2 

Much more would be known about Padilla and those early expeditions 
into Kansas, had it not been for the foolish destruction of great piles of in- 
valuable historical manuscripts at Santa Fe a few years ago, where they 
were used to kindle fires and the remnant finally sold for junk.-' 

As before suggested, I believe that there was a lingering idea in the 
mind of the Kansa to pay some tribute to the monument and the place it 
marked— a kind of traditional reverence or homage for something they did 
not quite understand, but to some one whom they knew had been a would- 
be benefactor. While they buried many of their dead on the second-bottom 
slopes below the monument during their many years' stay at Council Grove, 
yet it must be remembered that this monument existed long before the 
Kansa Indians moved from the Kaw valley to their Council Grove reserva- 
tion; and that they never claimed that it was their monument or marked 
the grave of an Indian chief; but that it was the marker for a great white 
benefactor or medicine man. 

The first white traveler across the plains took notice of this high promi- 
nence and its curious monument. Approaching the famous old crossing of 
the Santa Fe trail over the Neosho from either direction, it could be seen 
for several miles. Some old-timers used to call it a guide, although it was 
a mile or more from the trail. This tended to give it rather a modern aspect, 
but it is known that it antedates anything pertaining to that noted highway. 
When a boy I thought that it possibly had a trail significance; but when I 
found that it was there before trail days, and before the Kansa Indians were 
moved there, and that it had a mysterious influence on the Indian mind, I 
could see that it marked the grave of some noted character who had been 
lost to modern historians. 

Years afterwards, reading about Coronado and his expedition, and espe- 
cially regarding the saintly Padilla, who had been with Coronado and then 
returned upon that first religious mission to the Indians of our great central 
plains, I began studying the matter, and the more I read and studied the 
Spanish translations and comments upon Padilla and his mission, I became 
convinced that there is no other reasonable hypothesis than that the first 
Christian martyr of our country was killed near the present Council Grove, 
and that this curious old monument marks his grave. 

It may be asked, How could the Kansa Indians have any traditions 
reaching back to the time of Coronado or Padilla? , 

They had legends that related circumstances of the flood over the whole 
earth. They told of a time when their ancestors came from "the great sea 
near the rising sun," from whence came their mysterious sacred shells, al- 
though this migration was doubtless long prior to 1500. 

Note 2.— Bureau of Ethnology, vol. 14, page 401. 

Note 3.— Gen. W. H. H. Davis, former governor of New Mexico, stated in reply to an inquiry 
that when he revisited Santa Fe, a few years ago, he learned that one of his successors in the 
post of governor of the territory, having dispaired of disposing of the immense mass of old docu- 
ments and records deposited in his office by the slow process of usfng them to kindle fires, had 
sold the entire lot— an invaluable collection of material bearing on the history of the Southwest 
and its early European and native inhabitants— as junk. — Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bu- 
reau of American Ethnology, p. 535. 



52 Kansas State Historical Society. 

The translations of Spanish manuscripts is proving beyond doubt that the 
Kansa were here in our state long prior to 1601, when met by Juan de Ohate, 
who called them Escansaques, the troublesome people, for they at that early 
day were making their annual raids on the Quivirans, they being hereditary 
enemies. If they were hereditary enemies of the Quivirans in 1601, they 
were doubtless their enemies fifty or sixty years before that time, or at the 
time that Padilla went on his mission to the Quivirans, when he lost his life 
in attempting to carry the story of the Cross to their enemies. As has been 
suggested before, it may be reasonably presumed that these enemies were 
the Escansaques, or, as later known, the Kansa Indians, to which Padilla 
was going when the jealous and disappointed Quivirans killed him. 

What a change it might have wrought in the general character of the 
Kansa had Padilla reached them and labored in their midst for years. Even 
the thoughtless Quivirans, after killing this holy man, seemed to have re- 
lented when they remembered his kindly acts in their behalf. While their 
cruel act would prevent his going to erect crosses among their enemies, it 
would not bring him back to perform services in the shadow of those he had 
set up in their midst. 

One account says that the Quivirans even permitted his companions to 
bury his body in a decent manner. What an impressive scene it must have 
been to these savages of the plains, when the two oblates, Lucas and Se- 
bastian, his faithful pupils, clad as they were "in friar's gowns," tenderly 
laid away their devoted teacher in that lonely martyr's grave midway be- 
tween the great oceans! What a subject for the brush of an artist, as they 
perform a brief service according to the rites of their church and place the 
first courses in that crude monument which has lasted to this day ! Sorrow- 
fully these religious youths hasten from the scene, overtake the Portuguese, 
and together they commence that remarkable period of several years' wan- 
dering. Part of the time they are thought to have been in captivity, but 
finally they reach the Gulf of Mexico. It is said that during all of this 
journey they were followed by a faithful dog, and the rabbits and game he 
caught often saved their lives. 

During this trip they made a rude cross of wood, and took turns in carry- 
ing it, faithfully observing the religious admonitions of their superior they 
had left behind, "trusting that in such company they would not go astray." 

Sebastian died soon after their return; Lucas became a missionary to the 
natives of New Mexico. 

It is well to preserve the history of first things in Kansas, to note the 
ancient landmarks, and above all to dwell upon the bold, heroic characters 
who first trod our borders. Let us not infer that the life of Padilla and his 
tragic death was without its powerful influence for good, or that this crude 
monument is without its lessons. Let it ever remind us of the devoted and 
consecrated life of America's first Christian martyr, and also of the lines of 
Owen Merideth : 

" No stream from its source 
Flows seaward, how lonely so e'er its course. 
But some land is gladden'd. No star ever rose 
And set without mfluence somewhere. Who knows 
What earth needs from earth's lowliest creatures ? 
No life 

Can be pure in its purpose, and strong in its strife. 
And all life not be purer and stronger thereby." 






V ^ ^ ' ^ 






'•. " ^*..*^ ■ :W:/^:. '\.J^^ : ' 



V-S' 









'■V -^ 



.'J^' 



-ov^^ :^^^ '^-n^o^' : ; '-ov^^ '^i^ 





\, ^^,^^^^\/ -o^^/,,^>/ ^^^^^!^\/ "o^^^»T.» 

,^^/\ ■ y^^^ "-^ws /%' ^^ ^ ^'-^ 



v-o^ 



-tt.r^^ oV 'J'O^ ^^ \ ^^U.^ oV ^. <-^ 



^ '^^ ';'=^-- 



o V 









^°-n^. 






> 



o « o ^V 



^\ %/ ^Vn^^/V; S^/" /^W'. ^Z' .^:r^V^'; ^^ 



-^^P^ 










^-^^^ 






4> 






i\l///>i} 






^'% 'm^' j'x V 






^'Jv 









o « -^ <J^ 



4 O 












\ 






Q> ^ » « 



V 



\' 









.^^ 









v-^^ 
^^. 






-^-^ °-" " ^v^^ ; A '^O^ ^." " ^a\> 






^°-nf, -i 






'y ^^ '^■^>^/ ^^^' "< 



<<•'•'// 1' 



<?■ * O M O ■" ,<)» 



O. *'.;^-'' aO 



^°-t. ■-. 



<$*. " o « o 






'o . I * A 












V> 



o « o ^ 



Ai,\v: 









■ 



'O. a"* 



w" 









^^--^ 



o V 






^ 

-^^o^ 



^^--^ 



0^ 



\^ .. -^ '^^■' ^° ^^ "^ \^ ,. -^ 

- "-^'^^*/ ^./^•\/ "-^^^^•/ ^^/- 

■m^, %/ .•^', %,.^ .♦!%'•. \/ .•.^^^'-••' --. 

V,-'.,X \J- * A^ -Va ■> 






^J\%.f\ DOBBSBROS. "^ ^'^^^^k' -^r. ^'V /.A'^^^a'^ ^ -.V ^^^iiX". <^^ /• 

A\> ?« LIBRARY BINDINC . „ /^i l| V-^ "-^ C, -^ » f{<,\ «^ /,/>), ^^ "V ,V o y^fj V^ - '^^r^ 






^^ 






